2nd International Conference on Genocide Lecturer
Genocide: A Social Work Response
Nick Alenkin, California State University, Los Angeles; Doctoral Student, Social
Policy/Social Research, Loma Linda University . Email: email@example.com
This paper will explore the constructs of Genocide as a result of an "uncivil"
society and the intersects of the profession of social work and its response
to Genocide. The issues explored below will allow the participants to develop
constructs of civil and uncivil society, social work and its ethical response,
and development of a paradigm for social workers in response to the issue of
I. Explore the idea of "civil society". What are the characteristics
of "civil society"?
II. Extract an example of genocide (Rwanda, Bosnia,etc..) as an example of uncivil
society and what may have gone wrong, prevented, etc..
III. Why would/should social work as a "global" profession be concerned
with this decline? (e.g., It is in our value/ethics base to provide assistance.
We have responded before to examples such as world poverty, international aid
and social service delivery, etc..)
IV. Response to genocide by social workers and what that entails. We can say
that the response is typically two pronged: 1) direct social services provision,
2) creating, revitalizing that civil society with its ethics, etc..
"Translated Experiences of Genocide: Memory, Language and Silence"
Sima Aprahamian, Ph.D.
Simone de Beauvoir Institute and
1455 de Maisonneuve W.
In this interdisciplinary session, scholars engage in discussions of memory,
silence and healing in the context of the Armenian genocide and the Shoah.
The panel will also discuss the role memory plays in undoing silences and promoting
healing. The session brings together papers that discuss issues of bearing witness
and translation, (1)through analysis of passages from authors of Holocaust testimonies
have been compelled to deliver their witness in a language different from their
mother tongue, (2) through looking into the researcher of genocide (in the Armenian
case) as "bearing witness"; (3) through the researcher as bearing
witness to the silenced voices of marginalized populations [the underprivileged]
(class/ poverty). The papers will examine
silence, and denial as well as alienation and unbearablity of memory.
After the presentation of the papers panelists will discuss questions suc as
healing is ever possible in the face of denial by perpetrator nations and whether
these nations need to go through a healing process as well. Would they be healing
guilt (and shame) in contrast to healing from trauma? The panel will attempt
understand how healing is possible and does one heal; how do generations
of victims, perpetrators, and collaborators differ and compare between genocides
acknowledged (e.g. the Shoah) and genocides denied (e.g. the Armenian genocide).
What role does recognition and reparation, and retribution play in the healing
"Silences, denials: Studying the Armenian Genocide as being in itsel Bearing
The proposed paper will examine issues of silence, and denial as well as
alienation and unbearablity of memory in the context of discussions and studies
of the Armenian Genocide. The approach followed is personal and self-reflexive.
through my own identity/self/ locale (in A. Rich's sense) as an Armenian woman
who has not experienced the 1915-1923 genocide and has learned about it through
narratives of the grandmother who survided the genocide and through other sites
of memory. Documents and literary and artistic responses to the Catastrophe.
The paper will examine how through the need to re-member and study the genocide
which is being denied transforms one into a witness.
"From abandon to abandon: before, during and after the genocide of Tutsi."
by Philippe Basabose, University of Western Ontario, London, Canada.
Ten years have already elapsed since over a million of Tutsi were chopped down
by their Hutu-countrymen in the total indifference of the world. While survivors,
with their wounds still widely open, watch, shockingly disappointed, the ruthless
world around them, their voices calling for rescue get lost in the calls for
reconciliation and shouts of denial. Justice, just as it had terribly lacked
through out the thirty-five years that laid foundation to the 1994 holocaust,
sets free those responsible for the despicable massacres either because they
admit to committing what they committed in broad daylight or because the whims
of the raison d'état inspire that. In such a situation, hope fades away,
life becomes an unfair sentence and surviving an atrocious fate, words like
human rights, international community lose their meaning.
As a genocide survivor and eye witness, I intend, by this presentation, to shed
some light on the three moments (before, during and after the 1994 genocide)
that define the horror the Tutsi underwent as a plaything of Hutu-led regimes
and is undergoing as a rejected survivor. This presentation has a two-fold objective:
raising awareness about the shameful fate imposed on Tutsi and, by so doing,
honoring the memory of relatives, friends and all who lost their lives in the
1994 Tutsi genocide. The objective entails a two-direction methodology: testimony-like
facts and their analysis, depending on the specificity of each, using existing
critical theory tools.
The University of Western Ontario
Department of French, London, ON
Traditional cultures and languages, enriching to some, threatening toothers:
Berber Culture, A Case Study. Katie Benouar and Hamed Benouar
The paper will present an overview of the traditional culture and languages
of the Berber people of North Africa from ancient to current times. Berber
culture and languages are still alive in North Africa, but the manifestation
of Berber culture varies for historical reasons. The Berbers and the colons
had different motives for keeping the Berber identity alive.
The various levels of existence of Berber culture and languages today is the
result of official influence in different geographical parts of North Africa
as well as of the burgeoning influence of the Berbers themselves
seeking to preserve their traditions and enrich national culture.
UC Berkeley, California.
Senior Transportation Planner
Office of Regional and Interagency Planning
Caltrans Division of Transportation Planning
1120 N Street, fifth floor (MS 32)
Sacramento, CA 95814
Mailing: P.O. 942874 (MS 32), Sacramento, CA 94274-0001
Phone: (916) 653-3758
Fax: (916) 653-1447
HOW TO TELL A TRUE TRAIN STORY
I will be reading a short story entitled "HOW TO TELL A TRUE TRAIN STORY."
This is the fictional account of a young woman whose father was taken froma
Polish ghetto to Auschwitz. The father tells the story of the train trip
to Auschwitz to his daughter as they sit at her kitchen table. He is eighty-four,
and she is forty-two. He has never before spoken of his experiences during WWII.
It is through this conversation that the daughter
comes to understand the profound influence of the holocaust on her father.
She learns also how this experience in some sense took her father away from
her even before she was born. HOW TO TELL A TRUE TRAIN STORY speaks to the effects
of the holocaust on the children of the victims. Genocide and
holocaust create an environment of anguish that perpetuates itself long after
the perpetrators of the crimes have passed on.
Remembering Justice in Rwanda: Reflections on Gender and the Judicial Construction
Matthew J. Burnett
Seattle University School of Law
This presentation is part of a paper that will be published with the Seattle
Journal of Social Justice (http://law.seattleu.edu/sjsj <http://law.seattleu.edu/sjsj>
) -- it was chosen to be published as part of a writing competition. The paper
will be published after the conference, however.
In short, the paper looks at how gender is constructed/remembered through the
various judicial responses to the Rwandan Genocide, including the ICTR, Rwandan
National Courts, and the gacaca system. It frames these courts as "technologies
of memory" (borrowing from Foucault), and investigates how judicial responses
to the genocide treat gender and violence against women, or how these crimes
are remembered through each juridical narrative.
In the Belly of the Beast : International Revisionism Visits Sacramento
Nick Burnet, California State University, Sacramento.
This essay is a reflexion about the attempt of the International Revision Association
to hold conference at the California State university at Sacramento campus in
April of this year 2004.
The Birthing of an Enemy: A Story of Demons and Saints
California State University, Sacramento
by Barbara Bush
This study reflects an analysis of pre-genocide rhetoric as a crucial component
to understanding how authors of genocide build momentum needed for gaining public
complicity in murdering, or attempting to murder, some specific community in
its entirety. In analyzing the types of discourse prevalent in the pre-genocide
mode it is possible to observe the construction of identity necessary for agitating
an emotive response crucial to implementing genocide. The case study used to
investigate the construction of identity through pre-genocide rhetoric will
primarily be drawn from the 1994 genocide in Rwanda; however illustrative examples
will also be drawn from the Holocaust in Germany and the genocide in Cambodia.
While there are many different types of discourse available to study, the types
studied in this work will be institutional rhetoric and popular rhetoric. Institutional
rhetoric is defined as that which includes discourse occurring from within the
political establishment or educational institutions, such as speeches, history
lessons, and identity cards. Popular rhetoric, on the other hand, includes songs,
films, and radio broadcasts. This analysis, drawing on philosophical, theoretical,
critical and intercultural underpinnings, may shed light on how we can detect
mass homicidal tendencies before they occur. Additionally, as post-genocide
reconciliation work moves forward, as it does in Rwanda, massive efforts are
underway in de-constructing identities that have been polarized and essentialzed.
This kind of work requires an understanding of the underpinnings I am calling,
THE ETHNIC CLEANSING OF CALIFORNIA : The Native American Experience by Edwald
D. Castillo, Sonoma State
No other Native American population in the United States suffered the gut wrenching
population decline both in sized and rapidity than the California Indian peoples.
Religious persecution, wholesale sexual slavery and violent organized paramilitary
wars aimed at the mass slaughter of the California's first peoples is little
known by the United States citizens let alone the world population.
This presentation will explore the pre-contact California Indian population
its size, social organization and tribal territories. Following this survey
I will describe and discuss the colonial laws, practices and racial attitudes
of the Spanish, Mexican and United States colonizers and their impact on the
indigenous population. Special attention will be focused upon the impact of
introduced diseases. Of special interests new data concerning the impact of
introduced stock animals on the native flora and fauna. This in turn drastically
affected the natural food resources and hence accounted for widespread famine
Professor Edward D. Castillo
Member of the Cahuilla and Luiseno Tribes of California
Chairman of Native American Studies
Sonoma State University
The interplay of multiple identities across multiple domains and different
social settings in Sri Lankans
by Malathi Dissanayake, University of Pennsylvania, Phildadelphia.
Currently, in Sri Lanka, there is an ethnic tension happening between the Sinhalese
and Tamils ethnic groups. To understand this conflict it may be important to
understand how these groups perceive themselves. The current study explores
multiple identities of Sri Lankans and their importance of those identities
as well as their interplay across multiple domains and different social settings.
Particularly, it focused on the role of major social identities in Sinhalese
(the majority) as well as Tamils (the minority) in Sri Lanka, and North America.
Participants were asked to complete seven self-statements (who am I), and closed
ended questions regarding six major identities: South Asian identity, Canadian/American
identity, nationality, religion, ethnicity, and caste. Explanations of the self-statements
were analyzed by using a fourfold coding scheme. Tamils indicated more social
attributes as well as more social identities than Sinhalese in their self-statement
tests. Religion is the most common social attribute in self-interpretations
of Sri Lankan Sinahalese and nationality (Sri Lankan) is the most common social
attribute of Sinhalese in the United States. Sri Lankan Tamils indicated that
occupation is the most common social attribute whereas ethnicity became the
most common in Tamils in the Diaspora community. Participants also rated the
importance to them of five major social identities: nationality, ethnicity,
religion, caste and occupation. The results illustrate that Sinhalese rated
religious identity as the most important social identity to them whereas Tamils
rated ethnic identity as the most important social identity. The role of each
social identity is different when it associates with different social domains
and different social settings, depending on how individuals value their social
identities in particular social relations. What the study found is that Tamils,
because of their minority status, identify by their ethnicity, while the Sinhalese
identify more with religious identity. Thus findings may help us with understanding
other conflicts that arise out of self-concepts and may help prevent future
Understanding the Characteristics of Genocide in the Teaching of the Shoah
Submitted by Dr. Carol Edelman, Associate Dean Behavioral and Social Sciences,
Chico and Co-director of the State of California Center of Excellence
for the Study of Holocaust, Genocide, Human Rights and Tolerance and Dr.
Samuel Edelman, California State University, Chico and Director, State
of California Center of Excellence for the Study of Holocaust, Genocide,
Human Rights and Tolerance
This proposed paper will focus on how the identification of genocidal characteristics
may be used to both structure and give greater comprehension to our ability
to teach the Shoah. This approach will also aid in teaching courses or units
which may be comparative in nature. The paper will go though thirteen characteristics
identified in the Shoah and explore how each characteristic can be utilized
to structure a unit on teaching either the Shoah or genocide in general for
students in a fashion that is non-linear.
Exploration into characteristics gives a level of understanding that permits
students to go beyond historicity to begin to see the implications of Shoah
study to other global events or to a host of moral and values based lessons.
Some of the characteristics relate to criminality, expropriation, enslavement,
rescue and resistance as well as the impact of journalism and bystanders on
what happened during various genocides. This has been an exceptional tool for
teaching that we have used for more than 20 years in our college courses as
well as in workshops sponsored by our
Professor Carol Edelman has been on the academic staff of CSU, Chico since 1981.
She is currently the Associate Dean of the College of Behavioral and Social
Sciences and a Professor of Sociology. She has been the Director of the Honors
Program at CSU, Chico. For the last 21 years she has actively been involved
in scholarship, research and creative work on the general topic of the Jewish
response to the Holocaust. Her research work includes investigation into the
Jewish social structure before and during the Holocaust in Eastern Europe; research
into cultural responses to the genocide of the Jews;
interviewing and collecting materials on social issues from survivors.
She with Professor Sam Edelman is the recipient of numerous grants for her work
as well as the Corporation for Public Broadcasting Award for Outstanding Documentaries
in the Humanities for her documentary on cultural response to Genocide. Professor
Carol Edelman currently is completing a book on the Holocaust entitled, Underground
Dr. Samuel M. Edelman is a professor of Jewish and Holocaust Studies as well
as rhetoric and Communication Studies. He is the founder of the program in Modern
Jewish and Israel Studies at the California State University Chico in Northern
California and its current director. Edelman is also the coordinator of the
California State University
Statewide Modern Jewish Studies BA Degree. He recently was Scholar-in-Residence
at Haifa University in Jewish Education. Edelman has just been appointed Director
of the California State Center of Excellence in Holocaust, Genocide, Human Rights
and Tolerance Education and chief liaison to the State Taskforce on Holocaust,
Genocide, Human Rights and Tolerance Education.
"Raphael Lemkin and the origins of the word genocide"
Jim Fussell, preventgenocide organization, firstname.lastname@example.org
Jim Fussell will discuss the life of the Polish-Jewish legal scholar Raphael
Lemkin (1900-1959), focusing on his research and activities during the Second
War and his authorship of the book, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, published
on November 15, 1944. In 1940 in Stockholm, Sweden Lemkin began collecting
copies of publicly available German occupation laws and decrees which he analyzed
in an effort t understand the pattern of the policies being implemented in Hitler's
'New Order' in Europe. From these documents Lemkin concluded that alongside
traditional war of armies, Germany was engaged in a war against peoples. To
Lemkin the occupation decrees represented criminality in the guise of lawmaking
revealing a Nazi policy aimed at a demographic restructuring of the European
population by promoting the increase of 'Aryan' population groups and tdecline
and death by attrition of Jewish, Gyps (Rromani), Polish and other groups. While
working in Washington, D.C. from June 1942 for the U.S. Board of Economic Warfare,
Lemkin made at least three attempts between October 1942 and May 1943 to warn
U.S. leaders of the full nature Germany's
policies. Lemkin met in October 1942 with VicePresident Henry Wallace and later
wrote a memorandum to the White House based upon his analysis. When these
efforts failed to yield results, he coined the new word "genocide"
which he introduced in Axis Rule in Occupied Europe.
Jim Fussell is the Director of Prevent Genocide International (www.preventgenocide.org).
On June 10, 2003 he will convene the panel "Recent Scholarship of Raphael
Lemkin" at the Fifth Biennial Conference of
the International Association of Genocide Scholars, at the Irish Human Rights
Centre, Galway, Ireland. In March 11, 2003 he presented "Lemkin's War:
of the word 'genocide' ", to the Committee on Conscience of the United
States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, DC. In 2002 he was a delegate
to the Aegis-FCO Genocide Prevention Conference sponsored by the Aegis Genocide
Prevention Initiative and the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Mr. Fussell
presented "Group Classification on National ID Cards as a Factor in Genocide
and Ethnic Cleansing" to the
Fourth International Association of Genocide Scholars Conference in June 2001
and to the Seminar Series of the Genocide Studies Program at Yale University
"The Role of Mass Media in Genocide, Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda"
Tim Gallimore, Ph.D.
United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
Gallimore@un.org or email@example.com
and Straton Musonera
United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
Despite decades of ambiguous findings from academic research into the presumed
powerful effect of communication, many scholars and the general public still
continue to hold the view that communication is a necessary and sufficient variable
to dramatic change in, or at least significant influence on human behavior.
There is little doubt that the mass media have some effect on individuals and
groups in society. Some researchers argue that mass media are powerful tools
for persuasion because they provide a perspective which situates and contextualizes
rather than directly affecting the audience.
However, the role that the media played in the 1994 Rwandan genocide went far
beyond providing a perspective and context for political discourse in the society.
Rwandan media were used to spread the ideology of genocide, to encourage and
incite the general population to join in the government's orchestrated killing
campaign and to identify individuals targeted to be killed. As a result, the
pre-genocide communication environment in Rwanda has come to be characterized
by communications researchers and legal scholars as an ear of "hate media."
Most notorious among the Rwandan "hate media" were Radio Television
Libre de Mille Collines (RTLM) and the Kangura newspaper. The founders and operators
of these two media organizations were indicted for committing crimes against
humanity, along with others who were responsible for planning and carrying out
the genocide in Rwanda. This study analyzes the "Media Case" in which
the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (UNICTR) convicted
these media founders and journalists in December 2003 for using the media to
organize, coordinate and marshal the forces to commit genocide and other crimes
against humanity by inciting the Rwandan general population to murder.
In analyzing the UNICTR legal decision in the "Media Case", we will
place the finding of the Tribunal in the context of communication theory to
assess the presumed powerful effects of the Rwandan media and their role in
the 1994 genocide. The analysis will be based on the text of the Tribunal's
decision, on interviews with Tribunal personnel who participated in the case,
on interviews with genocide survivors who were exposed to the "hate media"
content and on excerpts from tapes of RTML broadcasts and content published
The study will trace the historical development of the Rwandan mass media and
present an analysis of the prospects for enhancing freedom of expression in
Rwanda given the nation's present legal context, including the precedent set
in the UNICTR Media Case. We will examine the need to restructure and nurture
the national media in order to re-establish public trust in media as an institution
for civic education and societal progress.
Based on the analysis of the Media Case, the study will present a framework
for harnessing the potential of the mass media to assist in the process of justice
related to the 1994 genocide. We will also present a framework for mass media
communication as a critical component in the on-going national reconciliation
efforts in Rwanda.
Resource Mobilization and Outreach programme Officer
International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
Tel: + 1 212 963 2850 or + 255 27 2504207-11
Mobile: (+255) (0) 748 39 7777
fax: + 1 212 963 2848-49
Tim Gallimore, Ph.D.
External Relations and Strategic Planning Section
U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
P.O. Box 6016, Arusha, Tanzania
Phone: 255-27-256-5953 or 212-963-2850 Ext. 5953
FAX: 255-27-250-4373 or 212-963-2848/2849
Gallimore@un.org; Website: http://www.ictr.org
Off the Record: Talking about Class and Women in Shoah Representations
Marion Gerlind <firstname.lastname@example.org>
The stigma of poverty has been largely overlooked in historical
reconstructions of the Shoah (Holocaust). Stereotypes of European
Jews as mostly upper-class, literate, and intellectual men persist,
marginalizing those who do not fit this representational framework.
Despite a growing body of work investigating the complex aspects of
the Nazi genocide, few scholars have scrutinized the connections
between class and gender vis--vis death and survival. I argue that
rural and working-class Jewish women grew up with a heightened
awareness of antisemitism; however, lack of financial resources and
connections decreased their chances of escape and survival and they
were more likely to be murdered. It is their testimonies that are
missing in critical analyses. Very little is known about their
everyday lives because their struggles have been disregarded in
historical accounts. Without their voices, an assessment of the Shoah
Recent publications underscore the significance of linking
antisemitism and gender (Ofer and Weitzman, Baer and Goldenberg);
however, they fail to emphasize that class was a pivotal factor in
survival. The majority of German-Jewish women whose memoirs are
published and archived came from middle-class backgrounds, as Lorenz
has pointed out. Through oral history interviews I introduce voices
of working-class and rural survivors from Germany and Poland, who did
not have the time or means to write their autobiographies. Their
compelling narratives reveal complex biographies, providing glimpses
into millions of lost lives and untold stories. As agents and makers
of history, ordinary women recount narratives of deprivation, trauma,
and survival, reconstructing more heterogeneous testimonies of the
I examine how socioeconomic status, geographic origin, and temporal
frameworks played crucial roles in Jewish women's lives and survival,
and contribute to an evolving interdisciplinary discourse of class
and its significance for the understanding of history. By documenting
and interpreting survivors' stories that are at risk of being lost, I
emphasize and de-stigmatize a discourse on poverty, challenge the
dominant narrative and suggest that (German) Shoah studies
acknowledge voices from the margins as an essential part of Jewish
cultures' rich diversity.
Marion Gerlind, Ph.D. Candidate
University of Minnesota, Department of German, Scandinavian, and Dutch
205 Folwell Hall, 9 Pleasant St. SE
Minneapolis, MN 55455-0124
2128 108th Avenue,
Oakland, CA 94603-4011
Telephone: (510) 430-2673
Prison Guard Behavior in Genocide and Holocaust
Panel led by Albert Globus, M. D.
American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology
1990 3rd St., Suite 600
Sacramento, Ca 95814
Phone 916 4472240
Fax 916 4475025
Cell Phone 530 2199474
This panel discusses the prion guards' behavior during the Holocaust and the
Japanese relocation camps in Calofornia during World War II. Panelists include
Dr. Albert Globus, Amarican Board of Psychiatry and neurology, Dr. Craig Harney
who is an expert on Prison Staff issues and who was a researcher on the famous
study out of Stanford, labeled the ZIMBARTO Study, which formed the basis of
the movie Das Experiment and Professor John Steiener, a Holocaust concentration
survivor and the founder of the Holocaust and Genocide Center at Sonoma State.
"Translating the untranslatable: on the language(s) of Holocaust testimony"
Contemporary Studies Programme
University of King's College
E-mail: Dorota Glowacka <email@example.com>
I write about the Holocaust because it doesn't have a language.
In his book The Differend, Jean-Franois Lyotard defines the differend as
the conflict that cannot be resolved because there exists no common
language or set of discursive practices in which the two (or more) parties
could express their arguments. In this paper, I would like to address what
I have called, paraphrasing Lyotard, the translation differend in the
context of Holocaust testimony, and argue that such testimony presents a
case par excellence of the untranslatable. As evidenced, for instance, in
the tension permeating the interminable translation sequences in
Lanzmann's Shoah, something momentous happens during the encounter between
languages, yet this intense sensation cannot in turn be translated into
one of the languages involved and therefore persists affectively, as a
feeling of loss and failure to communicate. In the instance of delivering
testimony about traumatic past, this feeling is intensified because the
performance of language is propelled by the ethical imperative to bear
In Survival in Auschwitz and The Drowned and the Saved, Primo Levi
re-imagines the death camp as the modernity's version of the Tower of
Babel. For Levi, the impossibility to communicate - to understand the
orders or to obtain life-saving information from other inmates - is the
true force of extermination, more menacing than hunger or physical
coercion. Levi presents the collapse of the fundamental ethical and
epistemological systems in the camps in terms of a post-Babelian condition
of language; in these terms, survival depends on one's translatory
abilities and linguistic talents, the link emphasized in a number of other
testimonies (Kertesz, Semprun) and rendered figuratively by Levi in his
account of the pivotal experience of translating Dante in Auschwitz.
To address the relation between bearing witness and translation, I will
analyze several telling passages from authors of Holocaust testimonies who
have been compelled to deliver their witness in a language different from
their mother tongue (such as Elie Wiesel or Isabella Leitner), as if the
distance afforded by a foreign tongue were a condition of the possibility
of speech. Yet, Polish Holocaust scholar Barbara Engelking, drawing on her
experience of interviewing the survivors, maintains that true testimony
can only be delivered in the same language in which the traumatic
experiences occurred. What is the nature of that truth in writers such as
Paul Celan or Jean Amry, who chose to write in German yet who continuously
underscored their profound and irreparable displacement from their mother
tongue, of which the changing of their German-sounding names was but a
symptom? I will consider therefore also these instances of being lost in
translation, to draw on Eva Hoffman's phrase, when the impossibility of
translation inheres in what appears to be the same language.
The discussion will draw on some of the key texts of the philosophical
reflection on translation, by thinkers such as Walter Benjamin, George
Steiner and Jacques Derrida, meditations on the condition of language
after Auschwitz by Theodor Adorno and Giorgio Agamben, and Emil
Fackenheim's theological project of overcoming the shattering of language
as the condition of tikkun olam .
The Myth of Identity in Rwanda
Department of Africana Studies, New York University
In the past decade, researchers and historians alike have begun to contextualize
the 1994 genocide in Rwanda in terms of current politics, isolated reprisals
and similar tragedies throughout the world. The danger in contextualization
is that it requires the researcher to frame his subject, to create an identity
for the subject that fits within the paradigm of research. This identity is
often a distorted version of reality, where truth has been twisted, altered,
or in many cases omitted entirely. Nowhere is this truer than in Rwanda, where
identity has played such a crucial role in shaping the country's history.
The Myth of Identity in Rwanda seeks to highlight the disparity between perceived
identity and true identity, that is, an identity that is fixed and immovable,
founded on a denial of historical complexity, over-simplification and disinformation,
and an identity that reflects the multi-layered intricacies of its subject.
It demonstrates that the danger in identification comes when a perceived identity
is accepted as the true identity. For example, a Hutu may not have killed a
single person in the 1994 genocide, yet he is perceived as implicitly guilty
today because of his identity.
Rwanda is a country whose national identity has been reconstructed over and
over again: during colonialism, independence and ultimately genocide and the
aftermath. It changes as the political and social agenda changes. Yet, as the
historian Helen Hintjens explains "a redefinition of national identity
along exclusively racial or ethnic lines
became a prelude for later implementation
of genocide." Thus the cycle was never truly been broken; a true reinvention
did not occur. Beginning with pre-colonialism and tracing Rwanda's history up
to the present, I seek to demonstrate first how identity was shaped within Rwanda,
emphasizing not only the questionable origins, but also its fluid nature and
the way in which this identity was transformed into 'ethnicity' with the coming
of colonialism, while at the same time becoming immovable and polarized. I argue
that the revolution of 1962 was not a redefinition of national identities, but
rather the solidification of old, archaic identities constructed during colonial
rule: Tutsi were still 'superior' and Hutu 'inferior' along ethnic lines because
the rhetoric of the Hamitic Hypothesis was still accepted as reality. The difference
lay in the power shift from Tutsi to Hutu. Yet because of this fundamental inability
to transcend perceived identity, the genocide in 1994, tragic as it was, was
still an assertion by the 'inferior' race of their legitimacy.
Modern-day Rwandans face the greatest challenge of all: how to push forward
through the stigma of genocide and 'ethnicized' identity and invent a new national
identity. This cannot be done as long as the old rhetoric of 'ethnic' identity
persists. Yet to deny its existence is to deny Rwandans the fundamental building
blocks of their history. By highlighting pivotal turning points in the reconstruction
of Rwandan identity, I demonstrate that conflict centers in the disparity between
the perceived and the real, and that only when the perceived identity mirrors
the true identity can there be an authentic recreation. It is only by fearlessly
embracing the complex realities that shape Rwanda's identity that a true reinvention
of that identity can occur.
From Silence to Education
Ilka Hartmann, Sonoma State university.
Holocaust awareness and responsibility for the past in present day Germany.
Most children of the Nazi generations - born during or soon after World War
Two - grew up not hearing much or anything about the persecution of the Jews,
Sinti and Roma, Communists, gays, disabled and other groups during the National
Socialist era. What they heard and saw was how devastating the effects of the
war had been on Germany. The majority of the adult males were dead or injured
and many cities destroyed from bombing. There were millions of refugees from
the east, and life was hard with severe housing-, food- and fuel-shortages.
What they did hear was that the war had swept over the country like an enormous
deadly hurricane. There was no mention of responsibility.
About 13 years later, this changed. The schools started to teach about the persecutions,
and Fischer Pocket Books published National Socialist documents with a small
photo of dead human beings stacked up like pieces of wood.
Questioned by their teenage children, many of the parents and grandparents
"We didn't know, and if we did know, what could we have done about it?"
The German Jewish writer Ralph Giordano calls this answer "The Second
Guilt", the first one was the actual murder of millions of innocent human
beings, the second the denial of any participation or knowledge of their suffering.
In the 1970s, the American television series, "Holocaust" was shown
in West Germany. The streets were empty during the nights of the program. West
Germans were looking at their past and now, the Nazi crime of killing innocent
members of German society had been given a name : The Holocaust.
In 1968, the young generation in West Germany, many of those who were now university
students, began to vocally protest. They questioned the older generation about
"what they had done" during the Nazi era and exposed that numerous
judges who had been National Socialists now were comfortably employed in the
sucessful Federal Republic of Germany. Students exposed authoritarianism in
the German culture and studied fascism, most also studied communism and became
intellectual communists for several years.
As they entered the educational system as teachers and young professors, they
tried to transform West German society from an obedience oriented to an anti-authoritarian,
informed and independently thinking society by educating the next generations.
In the course of their working life, the curriculum in the schools was changed
to contain Holocaust education as a major part. Field trips to concentration
camps and even death camps became common among school children and youth groups.
The cities and villages changed too. Where there was no indication of what
had happened in one's home town earlier, there were now signs, markers and memorials.
Books, films and exhibits followed. The most famous exhibit is the "Wehrmachts
Ausstellung", the documentation about the knowledge and participation of
the Geman army in the atrocities on three fronts.
The children of the Nazi generations were taught that the German army (most
of them draftees) had been honorable, it was those who were specifically National
Socialist - the SS and card carrying members of the Nazi party - who had to
be held responsible.
There were demonstrations by right wingers as the exhibit traveled across the
country, and it was prevented from being shown in the Bundestag (national parliament).
Nevertheless, the army exhibit prompted a public debate in the parliament of
Germany where delegates from all parties openly talked about their fathers',
their uncles', their older brothers' participation in the Nazi era. It was aired
on the radio and published word by word in the weekly "Die Zeit".
Over the years, the "collective guilt" which connected most members
of the children's generations in sadness and anger , even though they were not
responsible, has given way to a heritage of responsibility, an understanding
that this new generation is responsible for standing up for human rights wherever
they are being violated.
The large "Gesellschaft für Bedrohte Völker" ("Society
for Threatened Peoples"), a volunteer organization, has brought to public
attention - along with many other topics - the plight of the Sinti and Roma
(formerly called "the Gypsies" ) during the Nazi regime and in present
The "Gesellschaft für Bedrohte Völker" actively works on
behalf of threatened peoples and speaks out against injustices inside unified
Germany and throughout the world.
Today, the majority of Germans born during or since the National Socialist
era are aware that knowledge of their country's past has given them the responsibility
to not ever let the past be repeated. Unfortunately, there are still roots of
racism, and prejudice and xenophobia have to be continuously fought.
Ilka Hartmann has been teaching Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Sonoma State
University in California for more than 10 years. Born in Hamburg, Germany, she
studied at universities in Berlin and Hamburg and later at the University of
For thirty years she has been a photographer concentrating on human rights
issues with an emphasis on Native Americans.
Her father, a young medical doctor, was drafted to the Eastern Front in the
last months of World War Two to treat wounded German soldiers. He has been missing
in action since 1945. Her great uncle died in the siege of Stalingrad and her
grandfather, mayor of a town in northern Germany, was ousted by the Nazis as
part of their successful destruction of the Weimar Republic.
Starvation and Genocide : The case of Khmer Rouge Cambodia in comparative perspective.
Steve Heder, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London.
This paper examines starvation as an aspect of the mass death of Cambodians
under the rule of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (the Khmer Rouge), doing
so in a comparative perspective that situates the Cambodian case in literature
on starvation of minorities in the Soviet Union under Stalin, of Han Chinese
and others during the Mao Zedong's Great Leap Forward in China and of Jews,
Romani, Poles, Russians and during the Nazi Third Reich. The paper relies on
the author's 25 years of interviews of Cambodian victims and witnesses of starvation
and on recently-opened Khmer Rouge archives to delineate the extent to which
Khmer Rouge policies aimed at the elimination of various population groups via
discriminatory food deprivation. It argues that although extermination of these
groups via starvation was not the regime's initial goal, it stuck to policies
that produced mass starvation even as evidence of widespread famine accumulated,
doing so regardless of the human cost and despite opposition wiithin its own
ranks to pursuit of a course causing such catastrophic suffering and loss of
human life. After comparing the Cambodian case with the Soviet, Nazi and Chinese
ones, it discusses the implications of all the moral, legal and historical responsibility
of regime leaders and officials at various levels for the starvation deaths
that occurred under them.
The Strategy of Schindler's List : Mietek Pemper's Story
Viktoria Hertling, Professor and Director, Center for Holocaust, Genocide and
Peace Studies, University of Nevada, Reno. firstname.lastname@example.org. edu
Until 10 years ago, the Plazlow camp (1943-1945) was considered a relatively
obscure camp that became better known to the general public primarily as a result
of the 1993 award-winning motion picture Schindler's List. The camp was operated
by the German Gestapo and later by SS and was located on the outskirts of Krakow,
Poland. Its commandant Amon L. Göth was an insatiable hedonist, a corrupt
war profiteer, and a pathological sadist. He took it upon himself to mistreat
and even hundreds of Jewish and Polish prisoners. One of the camp's inmates,
Mietek Pemper, became Göth's handpicked secretary. In spite of this precarious
position, Pemper was able to advise, over time, a secret strategy that would
eventually save the lives of hundreds of his fellow inmates. Without this strategy,
the subsequent phenomenon of " Oskar Schindler " -- as described in
the novel by Thomas Keneally and the motion picture by Steve Spielberg - would
not have been possible.
The proposed paper The Strategy : Mietek Pemper's Story traces the various
secret avenues pursued by Mietek Pemper, a Jewish camp inmate that resulted
in one of most improbable acts of rescue during the Holocaust. Until now, Mietek
Pemper has maintained strict silence about his courageous act . Now he wants
to speak. Official papers and documents still back Mietek Pemper's extraordinary
testimony. This paper is of extraordinary importance. it will correct and revise
entrenched assumptions about lack of resistance and rescue during the Holocaust.
It will delineate the details how one Jewish inmate was able to outmaneuver
his Nazi captors and how he provided a strategy that saved the lives of hundreds
of his fellow inmates.
The Gujarat Case: a Riot or Genocide or
Neeti Jain, Law School, University of India.
The events of February 2002 in Gujarat, India are subject to two opinions.
Owing to the communal history of the state, many believe that the communal violence
in Gujarat was a natural outcome of the killings of 57 Hindus in the Sabarmati
Express at Godhra (a town in Gujarat) on February 26th, 2002. A large group
of Kar Sevaks were on their way to Ayodhya where the infamous Ram Temple is
to be built on the same spot where the Babri Masjid (a Muslim Mosque) stood
and was destroyed by the RSS as part of an annual ritual, when there was some
unrest and Muslim mobs burned down a coach of the train killing about 57 Hindus,
primarily women and children.
What followed was a barbaric assault on Muslims by RSS members where the Hindus
came in mobs and set Muslim houses on fire, raped, looted, killed, burned Muslims.
Official figures vary, but about 2000 Muslims were killed and many others injured
and many thousands rendered homeless. Even today, they have no place to go and
with the state sponsored relief camps shutting down, their future is unknown.
What has sparked off the debate on genocide is the fact that the events were
planned, evidence to that effect is a plenty, as only Muslim homes were targeted,
whereas Hindu homes adjoining were left unscathed, there were lists made of
Muslim homes and businesses, there are testimonies to show that Hindus had been
conducting surveys of Muslims for a year and that the violence lacked spontaneity.
Moreover, there was clear state support as the authorities looked the other
way as Gujarat burned. Police was instructed not to react to calls for help
and in many cases the Police actually participated in the attacks. Narendra
Modi's Government at the State has a clear policy of Hindutva (Hindu Fundamentalist
Ideology that believes India is a Hindu nation in which Minorities can live
only if they subrogate themselves to the majority) It was clearly no riot. Many
not-for-profit groups have reported on this and most groups conclude that this
is clearly a manifestation of Nazi-like ideology. What makes it genocide is
that there is an identifiable group, discriminated against on the basis of religion,
the crimes are implicitly supported by the state and there is pre-meditation
and an intention to destroy the group in whole or in part or create such conditions
that makes their survival difficult. The victims have been rendered homeless,
with no jobs, no savings, nothing.
The question is, is this really genocide? When we speak of genocide, do we not
need a certain magnitude for a crime to be genocide? In a country like India
where Hindus and Muslims have been killing each other for decades, is it not
farcical to say that this particular instance is genocide? If this is genocide,
were not the others genocide too, since 1947? Has all that been a mutual genocide?
Is it an internal armed conflict? If it is, then is not the nature of the Gujarat
incident different from genocide?
To fully understand the nature of the communal outbreak in February 2002, we
need an answer to the question, why Gujarat? Why has this state consistently
remained the cauldron of communal strife? There are economic, ideological and
political arguments to this. Why did the Modi led government (BJP) come back
to power in the State elections that took place after the Gujarat carnage? Do
Hindus support this ideology? Perhaps the answer is somewhere in the fact that
the BJP did not come to power at the Centre.
The paper seeks to study, firstly the definitions of genocide and to see if
Gujarat fits in with the elements of genocide as laid down by the Genocide Convention
and as upheld by scores of cases in the ICTY and ICTR and as described in the
Rome Statute. The purpose is to see what constitutes genocide and whether magnitude,
number of people killed, time span (prolonged violence vs. short lived attack)
are elements to be considered when deeming something to be genocide. Moreover,
what is the history behind the violence? Can February 2002 be looked at in isolation
from the communal history of India and Gujarat? Has it always been a pogrom
against the Muslims, and has it always been state sponsored? Can we conclude
that this one incident constituted genocide?
Another important factor is the role the fourth estate has played in christening
this as genocide. Both the media and the intelligentsia have termed this as
genocide. Nobody calls it a riot. Could it be that it is neither? The paper
will seek a way to define the violence and to answer the questions related to
genocide in light of prevailing, as well as developing, notions and perspectives
of international law.
The paper seeks to identify the psyche of the majority, the Hindus, to see what
has made Hindutva an acceptable ideology to a large section of Hindus when the
country has a secular Constitution. It is important to see the role played by
politics and power and economic interests. Why is it that the Hindu middle class,
considered the defenders of rationality and secular values, has crossed over
is support of a Hindu nation? How is an openly fascist organization like the
RSS able to influence the minds of the educated class?
What the paper will contain:
It will begin with a communal history (timeline) of India and specifically Gujarat
right up to the events of February 2002 and even after.
Then, a brief discussion on the economic situation of Gujarat and what has possibly
made Gujarat different from the rest of India, economically, politically and
Next, will come an overview of the role of the Sangh Parivar (as the RSS and
its affiliates are often called) in India and more specifically, in Gujarat.
Then, there will be a discussion on state responsibility and the lack of accountability
in this specific context and how the Narendra Modi Government openly supported
Whether the elements of genocide are met.
Whether magnitude, time period, etc, are important determinants of genocide
even though not explicitly mentioned in the convention, in light of the current
international instances of genocide.
If it is proved to be genocide then what are the consequences, for the Indian
state, the Gujarat Government and the international community and conscience,
if any? Is there an international responsibility?
If it is not genocide, then what is it? What is the impact on the international
community, if any?
If it is not genocide, then why is it being called so? Is it a mere matter of
opinion or are there political motivations behind that idea?
"The Holocaust - a survivor's experience"
Lillian Judd was born in Czechoslovakia where she led the normal life of a
young Jewish girl surrounded by her mother and father, brother and sisters.
In 1938, when she was 14, her life changed. The Nazis began their anti-Semitic
attacks on Czech Jews. Eventually, all of the family, but her brother who had
left for America, were deported to a makeshift camp where they had to build
their own shelter from wood scraps and cardboard. Later, they were put into
a cattle car and endured the horrible trip to Auschwitz where Lillian's father,
mother and little sisters were all killed as soon as they arrived. Lillian and
her teenage sister became slave laborers for the Nazis. They both survived Auschwitz,
and after the war ended, Lillian emigrated to the United States. Here she raised
a family, and ran a successful business with her husband.
Last year, on her 80th birthday, Lillian celebrated her Bat Mitzvah, the Jewish
ceremony of becoming an adult. For years, Lillian Judd has been speaking to
high school and college students about her experience during the Holocaust.
This spring she was honored by Santa Rosa Junior College with an award for teaching
the younger generations about genocide.
GENOCIDE AND HUMAN CONSCIOUSNESS.
Liboire Kagabo. Ph.D.
Associate Professor, University of Burundi. E-mail address : email@example.com
It is said that, while at the beginning of the twentieth century, only 10% of
war victims were civilians, now at the beginning of the twenty-first century,
they are between 80 and 90%. It is well known also that the twentieth century
was that of genocide : at least 4 main genocides have been recognized : against
Armenians, the Holocaust of the Jews, the cambodian genocide and ten years ago
the genocide of the Tutsi of Rwanda.
1. Genocide is recognized as the most horrible crime, a crime of crimes.
" Genocide is the ugliest of all human crimes. Those who have witnessed
it have difficulty in finding the words to express its horror. It is tempting
to sa that a crime of such magnitude is beyond human capacity for explanation
". So begins the first document of African Rights published just after
the Rwanda genocide in september 1994 : " Death, Despair and Defiance ".
All what is around genocide testifies of this : mass killing, blooded-cool preparation,
sadism of methods, humiliations such as rape, mutilations, disrespect of mortal
genocide is a crime which doesn't only dehumanize the victims
but also the killers and even humankind
Most of all, genocide is functionning
with a total extermination imaginary : final solution, " zero option ",
How is it that human consciousness can bear this horror ?
2. It is difficult to fight genocide. Why ?
In spite of all this, it seems to be difficult and even impossible to fight
genocide successfully and to eradicate it. Why ? Two main reasons. First the
strong and systematic organization of any genocide. Second a very efficient
system of denial, which always accompanies the organization, being one of the
steps, but which has its own life and strength, because it does continue long
ago after genocide.
3. How to fight succesfully genocide ?
For all these reasons, it is necessary to find the best ways of fighting genocide.
The way I would like to explore is how to create a positive " passion "
stronger than that of genocide itself, but against it.
It seems that the first thing is to show how the responsibility of such a crime
must be shared by any human being ; anyone is concerned and has to do something
to fight it, even if there is scales of responsibility.
Second, it is necessary to create what we could call a " moral front "
on the international level. This moral front should rest first of all on what
an author calls " vigilant resistance ". It should be vigilant while
trying to keep memory of genocide, because it has to fight against two kinds
of " memory " : a repressed one, which is not active but does nothing
but being waiting that genocide stops by itself ; a revenge one, which has the
risk to fall into the trap of genocide.
This " moral front " could also give a special place to all those
who resisted to genocide. We only write the history of " genociders ",
but not that of those who fought it, which is a history of courage.
Recovery of Historical Facts by the Method of Convergence
of Different Orders of Evidence
Hrayr S. Karagueuzian
The issue of the 1915 Armenian Genocide and the subsequent seizure of all Armenian
assets by the Young Turks did not find expression in any of the historical junctures,
including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Genocide Convention.
This historical aberrancy codified in Genocide, Theft and Denial: The Armenian
impunity and fostered denial.
Using declassified U.S. State Department archival documents this study defines
for the first time, how the Young Turks illegally seized the equivalent of a
five million Turkish pounds (gold) from the deported victims' bank deposits
in Turkey. This illegally appropriated capital by the Young Turks' regime, recognized
as a "terrorist regime" by the Sevres Treaty, asserts that the intent
of the deportations was not relocation, as claimed by the deniers of the Genocide,
but extermination (tehjir ve taktil). Using the method of convergence of different
orders of evidence (official, institutional, private, and material), the planners
of the Genocide (the triumvirate), seized the individual bank assets of their
victims and deposited them in their personal accounts in Berlin Banks under
assumed names, the documents show. A total of five million gold pounds was deposited
in 1916 in Berlin's Reichsbank which according to two former British Prime Ministers,
Baldwin and Asquith, the deposit was "in part, perhaps wholly Armenian
money." Post-war Turkish lawmakers and the investigations carried out by
the US High Commissioner in Constantinople, Rear Adm. Bristol, point out that
the "1916 five million gold pounds deposit in Berlin represented the seizure
of individual bank deposits of the deported Armenians." The assertions
made by the post-war Turkish Foreign Minister, Damad Ferid Pasha that "the
three very guilty criminals, Talaat, Enver and Djemal [the triumvirate] have
deposited considerable sums of money in Berlin banks produced by their exaction
and embezzlement," provides further corroborating evidence on the origin
of the 1916 gold deposit in Berlin. These assertions are in line with the declaration
made by none other than Talaat himself that was recorded by the US Ambassador
to Turkey, Henry Morgenthau Sr., during one of his private meetings with the
architect of the Genocide: "We know that the entire bank deposits of the
Armenians do not exceed five million gold pounds." After the 1918-19 Turkish
Military Tribunals in Constantinople and the 1921 assassination of Talaat in
Berlin, the Turkish official newspaper, Takvimi Vekaye, and the New York Times
respectively reported that the triumvirate "was convicted to death in absentia,"
on charges of "massacres and illegal personal profiteering ("taktil
ve ihtikar") and that Talaat had "more that 10 million marks in Berlin
Banks deposited under the assumed name of Said Ali Bey."
Today, the fate of the five million Turkish gold pound deposits in Berlin remains
unaccounted for. In light of German Government's policy to correct past errors,
this paper suggests that the present German Government, consistent with its
declared policy of rectifying past errors, ought to trace, locate and assess
the present value of the Genocide money and return it to the surviving heirs
of the victims.
LEON MUGESERA AND THE PERVERSION OF ETHICS. DIALOGUE WITH KANT. By Jean-Pierre
Sadi Karegeye, UC Berkeley. firstname.lastname@example.org
Kant opens his meditation on "the indwelling of the evil principle alongside
the good" by quoting Horace: "the world lieth in evil". He presents,
on one hand, general opinions estimating that the world moves from the good
principle to evil and, on the other, its antithesis from some philosophers arguing
that the world goes from bad to better. This does not rely on experience and
history, comments Kant. Is there any moral frontier between the past (good or
wrong) and the present (evil or better) according to the two perspectives? From
experience and history, certain events recycle and repeat themselves. The past
unfolds into the present and determines the future. Our "morality"
and "rationality" helped to determine the birth of genocides. Some
political decisions, moral and religious convictions, and scientific disciplines
generated surroundings that gave way to various kinds of violence. The dawn
of the nineteenth century has shown the moral decadence of a certain subversion
of moral languages coupled with violence. Evaluation of the twentieth century
indicates a world in the abyss: two World Wars, and foremost, at least three
genocides. Armenians erased from maps, Jewish people choked in gas-chambers,
and Tutsi massacred by machetes. What remains from the century of "Enlightenment"
in the Kantian sense? When some intellectuals (mis)use their knowledge to justify
evil, what does it mean then that moral principles lie a priori on our reason?
Does an act which is morally wrong operate as an epochè of/on intelligence?
Ethics is found in the dynamics of philosophical and religious convictions,
regarding what is "right/good", or to use Kant concept, evil like
genocide no longer moves us, or is being considered as what is right in terms
of self-defense, duty and struggle for freedom. It is difficult to make a moral
system work in such extraordinary circumstances. There is no way that utilitarianism
is going to work here, because you cannot tell the greatest good for the greatest
number. The versions of the categorical imperative involving means and end,
and kingdom of ends seem to offer some helps.
In Rwanda, the perpetrators, using a moral language, portrayed their victims
as evil by using various religious and moral metaphors. My paper is not going
to revisit the historical causes of genocide or the role of political ideology.
I will be trying to understand the conditions of possibility of genocide in
human nature in analyzing Professor Leon Mugesera's discourse to justify killings
through moral and religious languages in dialogue with Kant. Genocide would
not have taken place without moral justification. One thing we must certainly
ask is why moral argumentation works in some cases and does not on others. I
think this is part of the reason why Kant insists that we have a basic moral
law such as the categorical imperative. Acts of genocide go back to the power
of moral illusion. The use of Christian and moral symbols by Leon Mugesera to
incite and to justify genocide obliges moral and religious discourse to rehabilitate
itself as discourses related to what is right. Kantian ethics allows one to
"de-construct" the caricature of morality by Mugesera. The kingdom
of ends might replace the patterns of evil in educating people to respect human
life as in a way to prevent future genocides. The "other" is an end
and not a means. Dialogue with Kantian ethics thus gives a possibility to promote
moral behavior. Genocide certainly violates the means/end version because people
are being used for the means of racial grammar. It also violates the notion
of a kingdom of ends in the sense that a true kingdom of ends version is that
it is specifically communitarian in nature. Consequently, there is never an
excuse for marginalizing or destroying a group of people within a society.
Surviving as a woman
The reality of war and genocide by Chantal Kayitesi
I will talk about the experience of women during the war and genocide.
Their fight for survival, their attempt to escape their fate
The impossible task of hiding and being invisible
The rape, torture and the humiliation
The sacrifices of women to protect and save children
The responsibility and courage of women to care for children at any cost
The aftermath of the genocide or the reality of surviving
I will discuss the losses and the wounds, both loss of families and social
The loss of belonging and of social status
The new roles and responsibilities in the society
The impossible justice and challenging reconciliation
The HIV/AIDS epidemic and the future of women and children
Hope, the ultimate condition for survival
Chantal Kayitesi, BSc, MPH
Co-founder and former chair of Avega, the association of genocide widows
Co-organizer of the 10th Anniversary of the genocide in New England
Boston University School of Public Health: MPH, Health Services Concentration.
Graduation date: May 2002.
National University of Rwanda, BA in Public Health in 1995.
Nursing School of Kabgayi, Diploma of Nursing 1986.
1996-1999: program coordinator of AVEGA, Association of Genocide Widows in
Rwanda, Central Africa.
-Organization's founder member. Played key role in the organization leadership
first as vice-president then as president.
-Developed and organized new programs, strategic and operational plan.
-Negotiated funds with important partners such as the government, national and
international organizations and UN agencies.
-Implemented new and reliable administrative and managerial procedures.
GENOCIDE IN THE NAME OF THE REVOLUTION
Alexandre Kimenyi, California State Univerisity at Sacramento, email@example.com
The 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda was not only " the final solution "
but also the completion of the " Hutu Revolution ". The 1990's political,
social and economical crisis, according to Rwandan officials, was blamed on
the " non-completion of the Hutu Revolution " as reported in the 1990
September's edition of the Belgian newspaper, La Libre Belgique.
The Tutsi genocide started in 1959 when Rwanda was still a Belgian colony.
It was blessed by the Catholic church led by archibishop André Perraudin
who in his 1959 pastoral letter called them a different race and " assisted
" by the Belgian authorities as Jean-Paul HARROY then governor of Rwanda,
boasts in his memoirs, Rwanda : De la féodalité à la démocratie.
From 1959 to 1980, there were cyclical massacres of innocent Tutsi civilians
(women, children, old people, priests, nuns, students, etc). The church, diplomats,
civil rigths organizations,
stationed in Kigali didn't do anything to
denounce these killings or assist the victims because this was a revolution!
The example of the Tutsi genocide forces us to revist the world history and
condemn all revolutions whose victims are always innocent members of specific
targeted groups. Some revolutions are euphemisms for genocide.
Women Communicating in Post Genocide Rwanda: The hills and valleys traversed,
what holds for the future Culture of Peace.
By Eddah Mutua Kombo, Ph.D
Department of Communication Studies
California State University Sacramento
"Peace is not only the absence of violence, but requires a positive dynamic
participatory process where dialogue is encouraged and conflicts are resolved
in a spirit of co-operation and understanding."
United Nations 1999
The paper will discuss women's groups efforts to communicate a culture of peace
in post genocide Rwanda. Using recent data collected from Rwanda the paper will
assess factors that induce women to organize, and how this common goal has changed
their lives and communities around them. The Jurgen Habermas theory of communicative
action will be used to analyze women's common shared agenda and subsequent actions
and how these have impacted their resolve to talk peace, and most of all, to
pool resources and form networks to build a culture of peace.
Finally, suggestions on what holds for the future of women in Rwanda and indeed
elsewhere in Africa in their struggles for a seat at the peace table will be
The lesson of Rwanda,
a genocide that could have been prevented.
Project submitted by Dr Joël KOTEK,
Professor at the Free University of Brussels and Director of formation at the
Holocaust Memorial of Paris.
We can lament the role of the UN in the case of Rwanda and in peacekeeping and
peacemaking in general. Founded at the end of World War II, the United Nations
developed two major aims: putting an end to colonialism and preventing direct
confrontation between the superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union.
In carrying out these two aims, the UN was remarkably successful.
Since its foundation, sovereignty has been a key and inviolable concept for
the UN, while deliberation was its institutional hall
mark. The UN has acted most effectively in slowing down the actions of member
states, preventing precipitous deterioration of crisis. Today, however, even
in the eyes of UN officials, territorial and political integrity are not any
more the impediment to action they used to be.
Indeed, today the UN finds itself primarily engaged in disputes within countries.
This shift in the conceptual framework reflects new demands on this institution
and requires some technical, legal and ethical adjustments,
So far, the post-Cold War UN has not been equipped to make or implement rapid
decisions requiring the establishing of a physical presence on the ground during
a crisis. The political machinery and the logistical and financial structure
necessary to make things happen quickly do not exist In fact, the UN Department
of Peacekeeping Operations can not even begin contingency planning for a deteriorating
situation without Security Council approval. Genocidal processes however require
rapid decision, allowing the commander the latitude to increase or decrease
the use of force to contain violence. Rules of engagement of UN troops should
be flexible and should allow the intervening force to respond instantly or pre-empt
violent acts. According to Romeo Dallaire, the commander of the UN mission in
Rwanda "rather than really using deadly force, the most important point
is to be able to do it,"
The UN should be flexible enough to allow the Force Commander the leeway to
adapt to changing circumstances on the ground .
The Rwanda genocide represented not only a political and military failure for
the UN and Belgian, French and American administrations but also an ethical
one. In 1948, the U.S. had signed the Convention against Genocide. A triumph
of international humanitarian law, this Convention obliges contracting parties
to prevent and punish the crime of genocide. In previous post-World War II cases-such
as Cambodia under Pol Pot, the U.S. could pretend that it did not know about
the genocide while it was being perpetrated. It could then fudge the issue of
punishing those responsible, ostensibly in the name of seeking a peaceful political
settlement. In Rwanda, no one could claim ignorance. But the U.S. did not want
to act and its failure to condemn and take action to prevent genocide endorsed
a more horrific precedent: flaunting an international law designed to never
again allow a holocaust to happen while the world stood by.
Let us think of Lt. Gen. Dallaire's dilemma. As officer in charge of the U.N.
peacekeeping force in Rwanda he warned in early 1994 of plans to carry out a
systematic killing. However U.N. officials consistently refused his calls for
reinforcements and intervention to stop the killings.
Lt. Gen. Dallaire repeatedly warned the UN that a Genocide was being planned
weeks before the killing started. "Give me the means and I can do more!"
General Dallaire wrote to the UN. He sought authorization from the UN headquarters
to use force to disarm the plotters, but was informed that he had neither the
mandate nor the means to use force. One cable sent to the UN headquarters on
April 17, 10 days after the killings began, said: "The ethnic cleansing
continues and may in fact be accelerating... Bodies litter the streets and pose
a significant health hazard." It said the government-controlled radio station
was broadcasting, "inflammatory speeches and songs exhorting the population
to destroy all Tutsis..." Dallaire's cable, headed "most immediate"
begged for more troops, saying: "The force simply cannot continue to sit
on the fence in the face of all of these morally legitimate demands for assistance."
It was received in New York three days before the UN Security Council met to
consider the situation in Rwanda, but its content was never forwarded given
to the Security Council. Furthermore, on April 20, 1994, the Security Council
voted to withdraw all but 270 of its 2,500 troops in Rwanda. By then, an estimated
100,000 to 140,000 civilians were dead. With the withdrawal of the UN, the genocide
accelerated. Literally minutes after the UN troops abandoned their base at a
former school, which had become refuge for several thousand Rwandese Tutsis
and opposition Hutu, the interahamwe militia and the Presidential Guard stormed
the compound and began to massacre those who had taken shelter there. Another
cable, sent on April 21, said UN troops were "exhausted, confused, concerned
and questioning the responsibility of their superiors as to what they are doing."
The United Nations, stung by the intervention in Somalia, fearful of another
mission of ambiguous intent, participation, and support, and hampered by the
sovereignty issues raised by member states, did not take decisive action to
intervene. Individual member states in a position to act also delayed unilateral
As a result of the refusal by the international community to act, 800.000 innocent
Rwandans lost their lives in the fastest, and perhaps most preventable Genocide
in human history.
The UN denied that it had any legal responsibility in the 1994 killings, despite
being severely criticised by independent inquiries. Fred Eckhard, the spokesman
for the UN Secretary-General stated that the organisation would exercise its
immunity if the matter went to court. He added that the UN soldiers in Rwanda
were never given a Security Council mandate to become involved in the fighting
: "We were not there to stop a war. We were there to facilitate a peace
process. We do not feel responsible for what happened, and we do not believe
we should have to answer for anything in a court."
The UN responsibility nevertheless obvious. Dallaire said that if he had had
the mandate, the massacres would have ceased. Giving Dallaire the authority
and the troops that he requested "could have stopped the whole thing,"
said Morton Halperin, a National Security Council staff member in 1994,
But what about Dallaire? On one side, he was forced not to intervene, on the
other side his obedience was
criminal. If his behaviour was lawful , one
should nonetheless question its legitimacy.
1) Despite the fact that he had no mandate, shouldn't we question Dallaire's
own responsibility in the killings? Dallaire could have saved life had he broken
UN directive if he would have break UN law. In Rwanda, a window of opportunity
for the employment of such a force extended roughly from about April 7 to April
21, 1994, when the political leaders responsible fir the violence were still
susceptible to international influence. The rapid introduction of robust combat
forces could have changed the political calculations of the participants. The
opportunity existed to prevent the killing, to interpose a force between the
conventional combatants and re-establish peace, and to put the negotiations
back on track. But Dallaire followed orders. He stuck with the orders. He did
not disobey his superiors at the UN. He witnesses the genocide.
Human rights strategies to put an end to the use of "extreme violence"
should focus on the entire "chain of responsibility": from the legal
responsibility of the criminal State to the moral responsibility of the international
community and troops on the grounds. Is he not guilty for non assistance in
2) Let us imagine what would have happened if Lt. Gen. Dallaire would have
disobey his superiors and therefore, most probably, prevent the genocide . In
this case, he would have faced major troubles with his hierarchy, like those
who decided to save Jews during WWII despite orders (i.e. Swiss, Japanese, Portuguese
civil servants & diplomats, etc.).
At this stage, it seems necessary to recall that the infringements to the rules
of the right of the conflicts, if they are established, are penalized by the
national courts and/or the international instances. A subordinate that refuses
to execute an order of his superior overtly contrary to the right of the conflicts
can defend himself through court of justice. Shouldn't we go more forward and
think about protecting the soldier, confronted to an "extreme violence"
situation, that decide to disobey orders to prevent killings of innocent people
? Shouldn't this "Right of military interference become one of the lessons
of Rwanda and Srebrenica ? Human rights strategies to put an end to the use
of genocide must be at every link in the causal chain, focusing on those actors/
parties that have legal responsibility and/or real power.
We plead for an ethical move in International law, towards a right/duty of
military interference, in case of genocide. Six years after the Rwanda genocide,
Dallaire is still tortured by the memories of what he saw and what he could
The genocide in Rwanda should be sufficient to act as a catalyst for a swift
and determined response from the international community in danger of physical
88, avenue Général Eisenhower
1030 Brussels, Belgium
Address in Paris will change soon
(32) 496/ 21.90.12 (GSM Bxl)
Joel Kotek teaches at the Free University of Brussels (ULB), the IEP Paris and
at the Ecole supérieure de Journalisme of Lille (ESJ).He is Director
of the Formation at the Memorial de la Shoah in Paris.
After completing research at St. Antony's College at Oxford, and one semester
of teaching a course in Europe's Political Systems at the University of Ottawa,
he successfully defended his doctoral thesis at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques
de Paris (IEP). The thesis was published in French as La jeune garde by Le Seuil
in 1998 and a short English version, titled Students and The Cold War was published
by Macmillan/St. Martin Press in 1996.
He published, last May "L'Image des Juifs et d'Israël depuis la dernière
intifada, Brussels, 2003. In October 2000, by Jean Claude Lattes, Paris, Le
Siècle des camps (A century of camps. Imprisonment, Detention and Extermination
- 100 years of Radical Evil). This book received le Grand Prix d'histoire Chateaubriand
and published into Italian, German, Spanish, Russian, Rumanian and soon into
Dr Kotek has authored a number of additional publications, including L'Affaire
Lyssenko ou l'histoire réelle d'une science prolétarienne en Occident
(Complexe, Bruxelles, 1987), Il y a cinquante ans, l'insurrection du ghetto
de Varsovie (Complexe, Bruxelles, 1994),Brussels and Jerusalem, from Conflict
to Resolution, presented to a colloquium in Jerusalem in December 1994, co-edited
with Simone Susskind and Steven Kaplan, Jerusalem, 1996, "La Belgique survivra-t-elle
à l'an 2002 " ( in Limes, Gallimard, Paris, July 1997), "Minorité-
majoritaire, majorité-minoritaire : le cas de la Belgique " (in
Relations Internationales, n°89, printemps 1997, Genève), and "De
l'Europe comme projet à l'Europe comme espace" (in Revue Suisse
de Sciences Politiques, Schweizerische Zeitschrift fur Politische Wissenschaft,
volume 4, issue 4, Winter 1998). He did also translated into French 'Martin
Gilbert' Atlas of the Holocaust.
M. Kotek is since 1993 secretary general of the CEESAG, Centre Européen
d'Etudes sur la Shoah de l'Antisémitisme et du Génocide, based
Long time effects of the Baathist genocide against Kurds
by Dr. Faruk H. Harj Kurda, Director of Haradje Center, Sulaimenia University,
This presentation is an eyewitness account about the attempt of the Baathist
regime to exterminate the Kurdish population using both the biological and chemical
"A Legal Perspective of the United Nations' Persecution of War Crimes
at the ICTR and the United States' Policy on Interventionism"
Michael C. Lee, Esq.
Shearman & Sterling LLP
As part of Shearman & Sterling's pro bono program, Mr. Lee traveled to
Arusha, Tanzania and Kigali, Rwanda in the summer of 2003 to assist in the prosecution
of Rwandan war criminals at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda ("ICTR").
Mr. Lee has since lectured on the Rwandan genocide and United States interventionism
policies to various legal and social outreach groups.
First, Mr. Lee will discuss the ICTR's prosecution of Sylvestre Gacumbitsi,
a former mayor in the eastern Rwandan commune of Rusomo. Over a three-day period
in April 1994, Gacumbitsi supervised the rape and killing of thousands of Tutsi
civilians amassed at Nyarubuye Parish. Mr. Lee will highlight the unique evidentiary
role of Fergal Keane, a BBC correspondent who traveled to Nyarubuye Parish immediately
following the genocide and who interviewed several key ICTR prosecution witnesses
as well as Gacumbitsi himself. Mr. Lee will also analyze the legal claims of
genocide, rape, extermination, and murder asserted against Gacumbitsi and the
resulting jurisprudence culminating in Gacumbitsi's conviction in June 2004.
Second, Mr. Lee will discuss the United States' legal obligations as a signatory
to the United Nations Convention on Genocide. Third, Mr. Lee will explore the
United States government's legal and political stance on the 1994 Rwandan genocide
through declassified documents detailing the government's contemporaneous knowledge
of the genocide and its decision not to intervene.
Toward a Culture of Denial: Japan's Official and Societal Responses to Charges
of Historical Atrocities. Ivy Lee, Emeritus Professor CSUS.
This paper examines Japan's official responses to the charge of WWII atrocities.
They run the gamut of Stanley Cohen's typology, from literal to implicatory
denials. These responses either exist side-by-side or are offered serially in
spite of their logical inconsistencies. From the Nanjing Daitusha (Rape of Nanking)
to the Comfort Women, the government and/or government officials deny such atrocities
ever took place. Or when faced with incontrovertible evidence they retreat to
what they perceive as the more tenable position of having discharged all legal
obligations as required by the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951. Such denials
would not flourish without collusion, to a greater or lesser extent, by the
good people of Japan. This paper explores a variety of these "bystander"
responses in contemporary Japan, from the claim that public does not know, a
saturation reaction that such factual accounts are no longer shocking, to a
"fatigue" effect that brings about the antithetical effect of what
a redress movement and human rights advocates hope to achieve. In fact the government
together with the public are now close to being successful in burying a most
egregious chapter of WWII atrocities and generating a culture of denial. Finally
this paper addresses the question of why it is urgent to confront squarely such
historical denials and setting the record straight before a culture of denial
takes root in the next generation.
The Nanjing Massacre of 1937:
Guilt, Denial and Injustice
Peter Li, Professor Emeritus
Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey
As Auschwitz has become a symbol of the Jewish Holocaust and Nazi atrocities
in World War II, the Nanjing Massacre of 1937 has become a symbol of the Japanese
military's monstrous and savage cruelty in the Asia Pacific War from 1931-1945.
But in comparison with the Jewish Holocaust, relatively little has been written
about the atrocities perpetrated by the Japanese in China, Korea, the Philippines,
Singapore, and Malaysia, where close to 50 million people died at the hands
of Japanese. In China alone an estimated 20-30 million people lost their lives.
In Nanjing the Japanese killed approximately 300,000 innocent victims. The world
has waited long enough for Japan to come to the realization that it must acknowledge
its own wrongdoing during WWII, apologize to its victims and pay appropriate
reparations. To the aged victims of these atrocities, time is of the essence:
justice delayed is justice denied.
It has been over half a century since the end of WWII. Whereas in Europe, Germany
and Italy have long ago renounced their fascist-militarist regimes, in Asia,
Japan's rightwing militarist factions have continued to actively seek political
dominance. Whereas Germany has continually sought forgiveness and made reparations
for the damages inflicted on the victims of the Holocaust and their families,
thereby making it possible for the formation of the European Union, Japan has
continued to this day to deny it's aggressions in Asia and responsibilities
for wartime atrocities. In recent years, Prime Minister Koizumi's repeated visits
to the Yasukuni Shrine has further encouraged the revival of militarism in Japan
and heightened the tension between Japan and its Asian neighbors.
The paper will trace the path of Japan's repeated denials, historical amnesia,
and lack of repentance and remorse in the course of this long and uneasy relationship
between Japan and China who are, at the same time, economically, culturally
and historically linked together.
Politics in post-genocide Rwanda
by Philippe Leloup, political scientist specializing in East and Central Africa
For a long time, a number of academics, journalists and NGOs have expressed
grave concern over events in Rwanda. They have good reason to be worried: the
Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF), the all-powerful party of Major General Paul Kagame
whose tenure of office will soon clock ten years, constantly stifles any opposition
within the country.
It is important to highlight the flagrant contradiction between preaching democratisation
and national reconciliation on one hand, and engaging in actions which intimidate
and effectively eliminate all opposition on the other. The Government of Rwanda
has stifled all criticism and strictly controls its population.
Since RPFs ascension to power after the genocide of the Tutsi in 1994, the regime
has not ceased to harden, particularly during the last few years. Repression
has reached great heights, as political instability has increased across the
country and within the army. Political parties in Rwanda assure the regime a
democratic facade, while the RPF is concentrating power at all levels. All journalists
who dare step out of the bounds permitted by the regime are constantly harassed,
and live in a daily climate of fear and repression. The political opposition
is confined to exile or clandestine activities. Dozens of people suspected of
having a link with the opposition, have been forced to keep quiet or are simply
killed or reported missing.
Since the resignation of Pasteur Bizimungu as Head of State in March 2000, Major
General Paul Kagame, by taking his place, has accepted to be the direct target
of detractors of his regime. Furthermore, he is even contested within his own
army, the RPF and Tutsi community in general - the divorce from genocide survivors
has been complete for quite some time, while the former diaspora not originally
from Uganda are feeling increasingly uncomfortable. An ever increasing number
of desertions, including within the " Ugandan clan ", threatens his
The regime has sent some positive signals. Last year, the contact between Igihango
and the Embassy of Rwanda in Brussels was a good sign. In October 2002, the
withdrawal of troops from Congo, even though it was incomplete, was another
positive signal. But, these actions do not reflect a real willingness on the
part of the regime to open-up political space. Rather, they point to the fact
that currently, the only counter-balance to the power in Rwanda is that of the
On the geopolitical level, the isolation of Rwanda is obvious. Rwanda has alienated
itself from a good number of its neighbours. It is at war with the Democratic
Republic of Congo. Relations with Burundi and Tanzania are marked by mutual
suspicion. Its relations with Uganda are even more critical: both countries
have been in confrontation on several occasions on Congolese soil, and one cannot
exclude the possibility of them battling directly at the level of their common
border. Notwithstanding their denials, antagonism between Kagame and Museveni
is still very much alive. The fact remains that British mediation and processes
inside Rwanda and Uganda have, until now, prevented the worst from happening.
The regional dynamics indicate a progressive displacement of the main axis of
the East-West conflict, whose battlefield was located in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, towards a centre of North-South tension focused on the Rwandan-Ugandan
borders and that of Kivu. Given the fragile alliances of convenience in a region
where the opposing parties reason according to the logic "the enemy of
my enemy is my friend", one should not treat the re-composition of coalitions
lightly. The risk that such realignment would be to the detriment of Rwanda
seems a real threat, which does not augur well of any gestures Kagame may make
in the future.
The Evolution of a Genocidal Mentality in Bosnia and Rwanda: A Preliminary
Proposed by Prof Dr Eric Markusen, Senior Researcher, Danish Institute for International
Studies (DIIS), Copenhagen, with Matthias Bjørnlund and Rafiki Ubaldo.
Research Assistants, DIIS
In the last decade of the 20th century, genocide erupted in two very different
places and under very different circumstances. The genocide in Bosnia differed
in many respects from the genocide in Rwanda--notably the pace and scale of
the mass killing and the percentage of the targeted group destroyed before the
genocide was stopped--but neither would have occurred had not members of the
ruling elites and also sufficient numbers of ordinary citizens become persuaded
that destroying a group within their society was an acceptable and even necessary
policy and practice. In other words, the formation and disemmination of a genocidal
mentality was required.
This paper will describe the concept of "genocidal mentality" derived
from the work of Robert Jay Lifton, Eric Markusen, and others and then explore
how such a mentality emerged in such dissimilar cases as Former Yugoslavia and
Rwanda. It will utilize such primary sources as interviews, documents, and photographs
obtained by Markusen in the course of more than a dozen research visits to all
sides in Former Yugoslavia during and after the wars, and by Ubaldo, a survivor
of the Rwanda genocide who became an investigative journalist. We will also
rely on jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former
Yugoslavia and Rwanda, including testimony by the accused and by witnesses.
Secondary sources will include the few available attempts to look at Bosnia
and Rwanda in comparative perspective, and analyses written by area specialists
and genocide scholars on each case.
Among the aspects of genocide to be addressed in this paper are the justification
and planning of genocide, propaganda machines, the role of the media, and contributions
by members of academic and religious organizations.
Eric Markusen, Professor, Ph.D.
Danish Institute for International Studies
Department for Holocaust and Genocide Studies
1401 Copenhagen K
Tel: 45 32 69 89 30
Fax: 45 32 69 88 00
Genocide in Darfur
by Eric Markusen
In July and August 2004, the US government sent a team of
researchers to the Chad-Sudan border to interview refugees from the
Darfur region of Sudan. The purpose of the mission was to collect
evidence to enable the US government make a determination about whether
the atrocities being committed in Darfur constitute genocide. On 9
September 2004, US Secretary of State Colin Powell, in testimony before
the Senate Foreign Relations Committed, stated that genocide is
occurring in Sudan and invoked the UN Genocide Convention, calling on
the UN and the international community to respond appropriately
This presentation will discuss possible US motives for deciding to
undertake the genocide investigation, the methodology employed, and the
potential implications from both the study and the US determination that
genocide is occurring in Dafur. The presenters was one of 24
interviewers involved in the investigation.
Danish Institute for International Studies
Department for Holocaust and Genocide Studies
1401 Copenhagen K
Tel: 45 32 69 89 30
Fax: 45 32 69 88 00
The RTLM Role in Genocide
Jean-Luc MBARUSHIMANA, Kigali, Rwanda.
In Rwanda from July 1993 to July 1994 , an year full of width as for the emissions
of Radio -RTLM and apparitions of newspaper with dividing and ethnic tendency
in which Kangura .Those medias played a significant role before and during genocide
in diffusing narratives inciting to hate and calling Hutus to exterminate all
Radio-RTLM and other medias engaged in the same cause , through propaganda
they diffused , have accented the genocide ideology . Since its creation in
1990 , RTLM didn't cease to intoxicate the mass through its emissions , to support
the realization of the genocide of 1994, without ignore the role of Kangura
. That period was marked by assassinations and massacres in many regions of
the country, all that was a important point commented every day . Till to the
eve of the genocide , the insecurity was attributed to RPF and to its would-be
privies (the Tutsis) , targeting them the RTLM justified its call for Hutus
to hate their Tutsis compatriots .
Reminding that in its emission of 30th Marc 1994 ,it was said that when a Hutu
die ,there are about other thousand of Hutus mourning him and for that cause
there must be some enemies to accompany him ,meaning that when a Hutu die ,some
Tutsis must be killed.
During that period , from April to July 1994 ,and even a little before , the
RTLM accompanied the execution of the genocide plan with long and multiple commentaries
inciting to the ethnic hate , mostly in reminding Hutus to search where their
Tutsis enemies were hidden and kill them . The genocide was considered as a
way to hunt down the enemy.
Even before the beginning of the genocide , dividing publications told about
an apocalypse to come .
RTLM served as an arm among others or as a information's service base to denounce
where was hidden the enemy to kill ! (All mututsi) .
Kangura newspaper ,right hand of RTLM ,confirmed that the creation of RTLM is
for Hutu a sign of collaboration , mostly ,it gather them in unifying their
force , then the radio will help the Kangura newspaper to incite people putting
into practice the famous manifest of Hutus especially in its call to fight in
keeping the sovereignty of the republic , saying
" you who accept the republic ,let RTLM and Kangura speak to you , may
this radio be for you a collaboration sing of the majority people , the way
to awake and protect that majority people" (Kangura of July 1993 , N°
46 ) .
It is understand that such remarks couldn't appear in the statutes texts , but
it was one of the non avowed cause for what RTLM served mostly . That involved
its non respect of rule and law, ignoring the duties of the journalist and other
press organ ,as it is recommended in the universal declaration of the human
Genocide: Not just a term, a reality in Rwanda
Alison McLaughlin, CSUS
There is increasing interest in the topic of Genocide. For many, the Holocaust
is the only reference for this topic. However, the 10th anniversary of the Rwandan
genocide in April of this year brought the interest of many outsiders to the
idea of genocide in Africa. But sadly, genocide has been occurring in Rwanda
and other African nations for decades.
This study was performed in July of this year and its focus was to obtain insight
into the word genocide from surviving subjects who were living in Rwanda during
the 1994 genocide, all of whom lost many family members. It was important to
obtain biographical data as well as personal views on varying issues related
The five subjects were both male and female Tutsi and ranged in age from 22-43
years of age. While I had hoped to interview Hutu perpetrators and possibly
Hutu sympathizers, it was never realized.
It was discovered that the term genocide or any word with similar meaning did
not exist in Rwanda's national language of Kinyarwanda prior to the 1994 genocide.
Furthermore, the less educated only learned of the term and its definition in
mid-April, during the genocide via the government run radio after the subjects
personally experienced acts of genocide. The educated were more likely to understand
the concept of genocide and give national historic references, including the
1959 Revolution, as their first introduction to the term genocide. This was
done well before 1994.
The majority viewed then President Habyarimana and his regime as responsible
for the genocide, but added that France and other international parties were
also involved. As for the United States role, many felt the US did not do enough
to stop the genocide once it started.
The Gacaca was viewed as, in theory, of being helpful to victims because their
stories could be told. In addition, information could be obtained leading to
the whereabouts of missing family members remains. Those, along with perpetrators
properly being punished was in the subjects' opinion justice. However, it was
revealed that many felt there were not enough Gacacas being conducted and after
10 years were still waiting for justice.
Discussion on Hutu prisoners being released from prison raised anger and sadness
in the subjects. They did not understand why prisoners were set free and allowed
to go back and live in the same villages where they committed murder. More importantly,
the subjects were horrified that many of these ex-convicts went on to murder
the victims who testified against them. Yet, the convicted perpetrators continue
to be released.
Finally, there were varying views on the subjects' dreams and hopes for themselves
and their county. Many spoke of reconciliation and peace. Not just for each
other, but for their country.
The Interaction of Human Capital and Resource Scarcity on the Rwandan Genocide
Dr. Robert M. McNab (Contact Author) Major Abdul Latif Mohamed
DRMI Code 64 Mb Royal Malaysian Airforce
Naval Postgraduate School Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
1522 Cunningham Road E: firstname.lastname@example.org
Monterey, CA 93933
In this paper, we examine the role of human capital accumulation and resource
scarcity on the formation and execution of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. We argue
that resource scarcity created the potential, human capital formation determined
the shape, and social cohesion patterns facilitated the effectiveness of the
genocide campaign. We further argue that the impact of these variables on conflict
creation are not limited to Rwanda, but are applicable in other developing and
We first argue that the Rwandan genocide displayed how discriminatory policies
with respect to the accumulation of human capital can serve as an impetus for
the fragmentation of society and how existing institutions can threaten social
stability in newly independent nations. In Rwanda, the colonial powers discrimination
in terms of education, employment, and other economic opportunities created
resentment; resentment that increased when previously discriminated groups were
granted access to the education system. Indirect rule appeared to create and
Second, we posit that the Rwandan genocide displays the impact of scarce resources
on a conflict-prone society. As one of the most densely populated countries
on the African continent, each square kilometer of arable land had to support
an average of over four hundred people in 1991. Land pressure and landlessness
were prevalent; exacerbated by institutional discrimination in the colonial
and post-colonial period. Combined with commodity-price volatility; constraints
on public expenditure resulting from the entrance into a Structural Adjustment
Program; and continued immigration pressures from refugees, resource scarcity
increased significant in the decade prior to the genocide. Standard macroeconomic
adjustment tools may have, we argue, increased genocide pressures through increased
Genocide against the KhoiSan of Southern Africa and it Aftermaths
The genocide against the KhoiSan people has occurred throughout the years with
no recognition and acknowledgement. The KhoiSan people and their culture are
almost extinct because of how they were treated since contact with Europeans.
In addition, Scholars of European descent (Anthropologists, Sociologist), Missionaries,
and various pre- apartheid Southern African governments, (Apartheid regime,
Botswana, former South West African Governments) have all contributed in various
ways to the genocide of the KhoiSan people. In recent years the president of
South Africa, Thabo Mbeki on numerous occasions, acknowledges this genocide
in his speeches. One such speech was on May 8 1996, in Capetown when the Constitutional
Assembly adopted the "THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA CONSTITUTION BILL 1996."
"I owe my being to the Khoi and the San whose desolate souls haunt the
great expanses of the beautiful Cape they who fell victim to the most merciless
genocide our native land has ever seen, they who were the first to lose their
lives in the struggle to defend our freedom and dependence and they who, as
a people, perished in the result."
The second speech was on April 27, 2000 in an address at the unveiling of the
new South African Coat of Arms at Bloemfontein, Kwaggafontein, President Mbeki
remarked on the motto "!ke e:/xarra //ke" ("diverse people unite")
"We have chosen an ancient language of our people. This language is now
extinct as no one lives who speaks it as his or her mother-tongue. This emphasizes
the tragedy of the millions of human beings who, through the ages, have perished
and even ceased to exist as peoples, because of people's inhumanity to others.
This paper will address this genocide against the KhoiSan of Southern Africa
from 1652 to the 1990's. Since 1652 when Europeans landed in South Africa the
Khoisan people were sytemically eliminated in various ways. Methods of elimination
included actual acts of vioelence as well as laws that were specifically designed
to eliminate them through political, economic, and cultural means. Their languages
were taken away from them. Hendrick Goud was the last person to speak the /xam
language. He died in the mid-1980's. The case of Saartjie Baartman illustrates
how inhumanly the Khoi-San people were regarded and treated. Miss Bartman was
taken to London and put on exhibition. She was subsequently bought by a Frenchman
and lived in Paris until her death in 1816. For 150 years after her death until
1974 parts of her body on display at the Musée de l'Homme (Museum of
Mankind) in Paris. It was not until recently that Miss Baartman's remains were
repatraited and buried on August in Hankey in the Eastern Cape, South Africa.
This paper will show how acts like these and actual killing of the Khoi-San
people amount to genocide. Recent efforts that seek to remedy crimes against
the KhoiSan such as those by the National Khoisan Consultative Conference, and
the Truth and Reconciliation Commision of the present South Afican Government
will also be examined.
"In their own voices"
Professor of History at Cosumnes River College
President of Friends of Rwanda Association, email@example.com
This paper will attempt to classify the psychological, emotional and socio-economic
effects of the Rwandan genocide on Rwandan children based on interviews with
children and surviving members of their families. The interview will also establish
needs assessment and a list of priorities in different areas as expressed by
survivors. These will be useful in our future attempts to address the plight
of the genocide survivors and will help in program development that will be
implemented by F. O.R.A and any other interested party.
It is clear that any meaningful relief and humanitarian effort has to be developed
with an eye toward independence and self-sufficiency. The first step is to assess
the strengths and liabilities victims of genocide are bringing in the equation
before we can offer effective assistance. There is a need to tap into the spirit
of resourcefulness and resilience, with equality and empowerment as the guiding
principles, before we offer viable and lasting solutions. The paper will explore
how to effectively address the centuries-old dichotomy of philanthropy vs. self-help
in the case of Rwanda and how to strike a healthy balance that can have a positive
outcome for the survivors of genocide and for any involved humanitarian organization.
For a number of years, the focus of my extra curricular activities has been
to develop initiatives through the aegis of F.O.R.A (Friends of Rwanda Association)
for the benefits of children of Rwanda orphaned by 1994 genocide. As President
of F.O.R.A I have been both incensed by the realization that we are making significant
strides in alleviating some of the orphans' hardships and sobered by the fact
that the needs are of incredible magnitude to be addressed by our meager resources.
That sobering thought drove me to apply for a Sabbatical leave I intend to
use both as a fact finding mission and for program development.
BURUNDI : + The Republic of the Sun ;, ONE OF PERMANENT SYMBOLS OF GENOCIDE
By Charles MUKASI, AC GENOCIDE CIRIMOSO
(257) 923716, firstname.lastname@example.org
The 29th, April 1972 was the date of the launching of one of the most barbaric
crime against humanity in BURUNDI. All the BURUNDI Tutsis had to perish. They
had to be exterminated under the instructions provided by the + UBU ; party,
whose members had planned this diabolic act. Dancing parties had been organised
throughout the whole country. And the genocide leaders were told to stand still
and get ready for action as soon as the starting signal was given on the radio
so that the killings be simultanuously conducted everywhere on Burundi territory.
Burundi had then to be called + The Republic of the Sun ;, which means Burundi
Nation whithout the Tutsis. The national flag symbolizing this Republic was
raised for some days in the southern regions of Burundi. This sun symbol was
forged and stuck on house doors, a national currency symbolizing this new Republic
had been made and popularized through the one franc coin.
Today, in order to cover the crime and continue the political abuse, some lobbies
speaking of the 1972 genocide in Burundi, say that it was the extermination
of Hutus which had been planned. Today, the genocide organizations in BURUNDI
are said to be democratic or Hutu.
In 1993, these organizations were raised to level of political parties and were
allowed to create a coalition named DCF (Democratic Change Forces) in order
to be more presentable for the then elections. They were all wearing symbols
of the sun. The party on power today is named FRODEBU (Front for Democraty in
Burundi) holds on official newspapers called + The dawn of Democraty ;. It has
a singing cock symbol announcing the sun light. The anthem of Frodebu is entitled
+ Wake Up ; and the electoral compaign of this party was organized under the
theme of the cock singing the arrival of dawn and the sun shine. It is this
particular party, Frodebu, which organized and put in action the genocide in
Burundi from october 1993 up to now (300.000 Tutsi victims). Militias created
by Frodebu are called CNDD/FDD (National Council for Defense of Demo craty)
and are said to be in rebellion against their own power.
This theme may be developped in the conference as one of the most evident testimony
of genocide in Burundi and the existence of negation practices. As a matter
of fact the persistant ideology of genocide and the negation practices are currently
real, omnipresent and incorrectly described.
Economic assistance and political changes in Rwanda in the 1990s
This article studies the relationship between the foreign economic assistance
to Rwanda and the political changes in Rwanda in the 1990s. Although to determine
causal relations is difficult, the events in 1994 are closely correlated with
the worsening terms of trade. An worrisome fact seems to be that the post 1994
Rwanda does not seem to have gone through a fundamental economic change, although
there have been innovations in the political fields.
The Role and Responsability of Rwandan government to prevent another genocide.
Richard Byiringiro Musoni
University of Ngozi
Legal Law Bachelor IV.
Po. Box 137 Ngozi,
There are many sign showing another possible war in Rwanda.The Rwandan Government
as a moral person should prioritize peace issue more than anything else in its
In Habyarimana's regime, the government has prepared and executed its plan to
exterminate tutsi people and some moderate hutu people.
In the Kagame's regime, instead of implementing policies to consolidate respect
of human rights,unity and reconcialaition, it is focusing on engaging war against
our neighbors,releasing the presumed perperators of genocide,misusing and inequaly
sharing the few public ressources we have therefore, maintening the system of
haves and have not an induscatable and inchangeable theory.
Our government, has to change its way of governing so that we may not see again
what happen in 1994.
This is a brief outline of what should be my expose, I will have some suggestions
as well to contribute to the reconstruction of my country.
We have been doing different workshop here at schol to participate in the legal
process of democratization and good governence with a study case( Rwanda).
The Extermination of Tutsi in Mugombwa
by Philibert Muzima, University of Ottawa and Secretary General of HUMURA
e-mail : email@example.com
This is an eyewitness account of the extermination of Tutsi in Mugombwa, my
home region, during the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda. I also discuss about
my own ordeal.
I talk about how I resurrected from the dead and how I was able to heal from
the machete wounds eventhough I still have serious scars on my skull.
PLANNING OF GENOCIDE. By Patrick Nkundanyirazo
National University of Rwanda and AERG
Genocide is a crime against humanity, which is carefully planned, constructed.
This abstract shows in brief, the scope of the genocide planning mechanisms
Firstly, genocide begins with the policy installed in a small group of intellectual
persons by an organized government. This policy is based on the so-called differences
between groups of people whose views are divided upon aspects such as physical
appearances, political ideologies and ethnic backgrounds.
To take effective collective measures for the termination and removal of the
so-called threats it becomes more and more reinforced by an intense senstization,
impunity and establishment of tools of hatred using media, written process and
several propaganda meetings.
This genocide propaganda is likely to be efficient when it is addressed to the
poor and analphabetic people and by having everyone else refer to it as 'tragic
events'or large-scale violence instead of what it really is, Genocide! Secondly,
after people have been intoxicated with the propaganda machines of genocide,
the higher genocide-planning group provides the materials to be used in the
mass killings and distribute them in groups of people who are going to obey
the high command. The genocide will be executed by the illiterate, poor people
who do not even know how to read or write, with support from the planning group.
The manipulation used by those in charge was organized in such a way that the
programmes monitoring and providing them with direct material assistance was
swift and throughout! They had to do their job! When an organized group establishes
itself as the undisputed or the more empowered, that leads to Rule of mighty
and betrayal of a population. Hostilities increase significantly between the
different groups and the results shall be the extermination of the targeted
The pitfalls of the Gacaca system in the post genocide Rwanda
by Sifa Nsengimana
Affiliation: Portland State University
Gacaca, a "judicial" system once used in the traditional Rwanda to
resolve conflicts between (extended) family members, has been reintroduced to
cope with the overwhelming numbers of accused perpetrators of the Tutsi genocide
that occurred in 1994. Besides tracing the birth and re-birth of Agacaca, this
paper will explore the ways in which the system has been modified to deal with
the genocide trials, and how it has faired so far.
Traditionally, Agacaca was founded on the understanding that the "judges"
(elders) had the interests of both parties at heart -being members of the same
family, and were chosen based on their integrity. Today however, judges and
witnesses are drawn from the masses, and most often are related to the accused.
There are instances where judges in gacaca trials have been accused themselves
of having taken part in the genocide! The question that begs to be asked is
how fair such a system can be to the victims and survivors of the genocide.
Agacaca is often credited with not only bringing justice, but also with being
a catalyst to national unity and reconciliation. Using actual Gacaca trials,
this paper will demonstrate that in some, if not most cases, Gacaca, as carried
out in its current form, fosters anger and hatred that might lead to further
The lure of the current Gacaca cannot be ignored, as it is politically expedient;
it reduces the prison population and puts the government in good terms with
However, the almost inevitable consequences of such an unjust system are disastrous
in the long run; and they cannot be overstated given the nature and motive of
The Tutsi genocide survivors in the post 1994 Rwanda
Jeff Nsengimana, Coordinator of AMAHORO People's Congress.
The 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda virtually wiped out Rwandan Tutsis who were
in the country at the time. It is estimated that close to 90% were killed. This
article examines the lives of those who survived the genocide and demonstrates
that although the country has gotten quite a lot of assistance as the result
of the genocide, very little of that assistance has trickled down to them.
In order to highlight the lives of the Tutsi survivors, this article will examine
first who is a genocide survivor in the contest of Rwanda. Are all Tutsis genocide
survivors? Are the survivors only those who were in Rwanda at the time of the
genocide? The answer to this question is very complex due to family relationship
between Tutsis in Rwanda prior to 1994 and those who lived outside Rwanda at
the time. Despite this however, one must define the concept of a survivor, at
least to some degree.
Secondly, the article will examine the difficult period of summer 1994 for
the victims and survivors of the genocide. During this period, following the
Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) victory, hundred of thousands of Tutsis coming
from outside Rwanda flocked into the country. Their primary preoccupation was
to secure a place to live and find food. The RPF-led government was preoccupied
in establishing control over the country, while foreign assistance was primarily
directed to refugees in Zaire, where about two million Hutus had fled. This
article will examine what assistance, if any was provided to the victims and
survivors of the genocide during this period.
Thirdly, the article will examine the genesis of the organizations of the victims
and survivors, which advocate for their rights. These organizations were founded
and run by survivors themselves. We will analyze the interactions between these
organizations and the Rwandan government, and will demonstrate that, unlike
what is assumed in the international arena, the Rwandan government has not always
been helpful to the survivors.
Perceptions of the Armenian Genocide
In the Literary Responses of the Second-and-Third Generation Survivor-Writers
The preamble - New responses to the Armenian Genocide-narrative prose or poetry,
eyewitness accounts, memoirs, or texts only remotely echoing the theme of the
Genocide-cover a broad spectrum and are immensely variegated in terms of impetus
and motivation within various spheres of influences and levels of skill in the
poetics of genocide. They also reflect the interconnection of the Armenian Genocide
and the Diasporan Armenian self-image or identity.
The legacy of the first generation as a feeder
The Armenian literati who could eternalize their first-hand experience, were
liquidated at the outset, and very few survivor-writers ventured to craft art
out of that cataclysmic event.
The literature that the ordinary survivors produced in the immediate aftermath,
may not withstand the scrutiny of æsthetic judgment, but it surely expressed
the psychological effects of that traumatic experience and a helpless nostalgia
for the lost homeland; it functioned as a source of knowledge and inspiration
linking the generation growing up in the Diaspora to the Armenian past.
Today, decades after the immediate Armenian language responses, there is an
upsurge in memoir writing. Some examples: Kerop Bedoukian's, Some of Us Survived
(1979), Alice Muggerditchian Shipley's We Walked Then Ran (1983), John Minassian's
Many Hills Yet to Climb (1986), Hovhannes Mugrditchian's To Armenians With Love,
The Memoirs of a Patriot (1996), Bertha (Berjuhi) Nakshian Ketchian's In the
Shadow of the Fortress: The Genocide Remembered (1988). Through these memoirs
the slaughtered nation speaks, describing the experience or trying to render
meaning to it.
The trans-generational experience
The second-generation survivors to a large extent served as silent transmitters,
in some cases passively, in others reluctantly bridging between their parents
and the next generation. In many cases their relationship with their parents'
past was established after the parent's death. Example: Virginia Haroutounian's
Orphan in the Sands (1995)
The burden of tragic memories had been indirectly yet effectively transmitted.
The result was a small but valuable output of genocide literature. Example:
Agop Hacikyan's series of novels and his most recent work, A Summer Without
Dawn (2000) (Eté sans aube ) wherein all the themes that make up
the texture of the first generation's conceptualization of the Armenian Genocide
The torch is passed on; the concept of "forgive and forget" is not
Children of Der El-Zor, or the horizontal spread of the psychological effect
The memory of the massacres is alive among second-and-third-generation writers.
One way or another, the entire nation bears the effects of victimization. An
Armenian is a child of Der El-Zor irrespective of any family connection to those
The second and third generations took on the role of storyteller, rarely leaving
the raw material untouched: David Kherdian's The Road from Home: The Story of
an Armenian Girl, Stina Katchadourian's Efronia
And the third generation with a mission
A blend of memoir or fiction and factual discourse to work as a bulwark against
denial: Carol Edgarian's Rise the Euphrates (1994), Mae M. Derdarian's Vergeen:
A Survivor of the Armenian Genocide (1996), Thomas A. Ohanian's Lines in the
Sand, a juxtaposition of the Armenian genocide and the Jewish Holocaust.
The third generation and the discovery of the past
Peter Balakian's Black Dog of Fate (1998) and Vickie Smith Foston's Victoria's
Secret: A Conspiracy of Silence (2001) are examples of a journey into the past
after a sudden discovery of a family secret tied with the Old World. In both
narratives interjections of factual discourse exemplify the technique of history
and memory juxtaposed, bringing to light the intrinsic value of genocide fiction
or symbolic poetry in the understanding of the Armenian Genocide. It is not
possible to penetrate the world of genocide without reading the memoirs, the
artistic literature, the eyewitness accounts.
Micheline Aharonian, Marcom's Three Apples Fell from Heaven (2001) is an abstract
and complex tapestry wherein the voices of the dead and the living evoke an
abstract tableau of suffering and death.
The success of these new responses lies in accepting the challenge not to succumb
to the waves of irrepressible emotion and to express it in unadulterated fashion.
Leonardo was never able to overcome these emotions. He shares the agony of his
grandmother. It is through his grandmother, as it is the case of most third-generation
writers, that he sees the Armenian suffering, the Genocide. The topoi associated
with the Genocide appear as fragmented images imposing themselves upon everyday
life in the New World. Many of Peter Balakian's poems in Sad Days of Light (1983)
illustrate this duality. Through a commingling of images past and present, Balakian
registers the replay of the tragedy of 1915 in his grandmother's mind.
Genocide as a source of national identity and the functionality of Genocide
literature in building that identity, thus playing a role in the nation building
"1915 functions as a symbol through which Armenians have knowledge of
themselves and see themselves. Having survived genocide, not only do they have
to believe in themselves, but they have to convince others of their existence.
Armenian Diaspora literature is an expression of this necessity," Lorne
The quest for self-identity takes imaginative literature along different paths;
yet the Genocide and the reconstruction of the memory of it remain at the core
as the leitmotif. Peter Najarian's Voyages (1971) and Daughters of Memory (1986)
are the sites of the painful conflict and attempted reconciliation between the
past and the present, a search for identity and a quest to revive and perpetuate
the memory of the Genocide. Peter Balakian's The Black Dog of Fate (1998) is
another example in which the Armenian component is gradually extracted from
a nebulous memory hole to become an important dimension in the Diasporan Armenians'
Vahé Oshagan deals with the effects of Genocide by portraying the assimilated,
alienated generation in America against a backdrop of national traditions, with
the past, the roots calling the generation back. He demands action by shocking
the indifferent masses.
The pain and frustration resulting from the struggle to adjust to one's dual
identity and the search for an ideal image of the Diasporan Armenian echo in
almost the entire literary output of Hakob Karapents.
Noubar Akishian develops an array of Diasporan Armenian characters caught in
the turmoil of dual identity and intermarriage leading to assimilation.
In Vehanoush Tekian's poetry the awareness of the Armenian past is transformed
into resolution to fight for national goals. Hilda Kalfayan-Panossian, treats
the Diaspora like an aching wound. She views the life of Armenians thrust into
the Diaspora as a prolonged agony.
The literary representations of the Armenian Genocide will continue to shape
the understanding of the Armenian Genocide for generations to come. They will
function as the most effective transmitters of memory, shoring up commitment
to the national struggle.
Genocide and Terrorism: What is the relationship?
Lionel CM VonFrederick Rawlins, Adjunct ProfessorUniversity of Phoenix and President
and CEO of VonFrederick Groups. www.vonfrederick.com
The word "terrorism" has its origins in the French Revolution, and
was used to popularize democracy by eliminating all enemies. It subsequently
became a tool of the state to permeate fear in its citizens. Although the term
did not manifest itself until the French Revolution, the connotation for such
acts was used throughout history, until most recently. The causes of terrorism
have varied from cultural, political, social, psychological, and economic, to
religious, and have allowed terrorism to develop into a skillfully mastered
art. However, terrorism is by nature political because it involves the acquisition
and use of power for the purpose of forcing others to submit, or agree, to terrorist
demands. It calls for the complete annihilation of perceived enemies and threats.
Genocide is very different from all other crimes because of the motivation behind
it. Towards the end of the Second World War, when the horror of the extermination
and concentration camps became known to the public, Winston Churchill stated
that the world was being brought face-to- with 'a crime that has no name.' In
1944, Ralph Lemkin gave it a name when he penned the term genocide along with
its meaning. He described it as the destruction of a nation or of an ethnic
group, and implies the existence of a coordinated plan, aimed at the total extermination
of a certain group of people.
In examining both phenomena, it is clear that there is a correlation between
both activities; they both involve the complete extermination of their contrived
enemies. The dictum, "One man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter"
has been used to obfuscate the intent of the perpetrators, while leaving the
correlation, nebulous. It is the intention of this paper to illuminate the discourse
on the premise that: Terrorism produces terror; Genocide is the product of terror.
Genocide Among Native People of Northern California - Panel
Chair: Annette L. Reed
"And the Blood Turned the Water Red: Tolowa People of Northwestern California
Presenter: Annette L. Reed (Enrolled Tolowa Smith River Rancheria)
Director of Native American Studies
Faculty of Ethnic Studies Department
California State University, Sacramento
"How to Honor Our Ancestors? Genocide and Wintu People of Northern California"
Presenter: Ricardo Torres (Enrolled Member, Winnemem Wintu Tribe)
AAC/EOP Program Coordinator
California State University, Sacramento
"Residual Effects of Genocide on Natives of Northern California"
Presenter: Joseph Giovannetti (Enrolled Tolowa Smith River Rancheria)
Director of Native American Studies
Humboldt State University
Commentator: Jack Norton (Enrolled Hupa)
Professor of Native American Studies - Emeritus
Humboldt State University
California Native people suffered greatly after the invasion of their homelands
by Euro-Americans during the mid-1800s. With the "California Gold Rush"
came thousands of people seeking land and riches. While southern California
tribes had contact with the Spanish, Mexicans and later Americans, many northern
California Native peoples had little prior contact with outsiders. Local citizens
formed armed militia units to rid the land of Native peoples with the aid of
State and Federal governments. A genocide of countless northern California Indigenous
peoples ensued. Elders refer to this as a time that the "World was turned
Today, we, as Native people still hear elders pass down the stories of the
events that devastated our peoples. Accounts continue to unravel before us as
we attempt to heal and rebuild our nations. Many scholars have overlooked or
have discounted genocide among California Natives. Yet, the genocidal events
that transpired have a profound and lasting effect upon contemporary Native
"The Unintended Consequences of Sudan's Peace Negotiations: Escalating
Violence in Darfur"
University of California, Davis
Paradoxically, the success of the peace negotiations between the Sudanese government
and southern-based interests contributed to escalating violence between different
northern Sudanese constituencies with respect to Darfur. In attempting to explain
this paradox and discussing the implications for conflict management, I will
start by discussing the context in which violent action became a feasible political
option -- in this case, primarily weak
stateness, economic insecurity and lack of opportunity, and the strategic interactions
of elites. I will then discuss the north-south peace negotiations and their
implications for the country. This will lead me to analyze the demands for autonomy
made by Darfur's elite and the counter-demands of Sudanese governmental authorities.
As these sets of demands proved non-negotiable, violent encounters occurred
between Northern militiamen and rural dwellers in Darfur, and this triggering
of violence sets the stage for my next section. And finally, I look to the role
of the international community in attempting to press Sudanese governmental
authorities to end the fighting. This will enable me to discuss the implications
of the Darfur experience for preventing conflict during the escalation phase
The politics of memory, justice and reconciliation in the context of Rwanda
Elisée RUTAGAMBWA, Boston Jesuit College
Since last decades, ethicists, lawyers, philosophers, human rights activists,
and peace making practitioners have gained interest in the concepts of memory,
justice and reconciliation. Due perhaps to mushrooming conflicts and their appalling
consequences that have left any attempt to response helpless, many thinkers
have decided to reconsider these traditional religious concepts in an effort
to find an alternative to modern complex situations where criminal justice alone
have proved not only inefficient but also inadequate for creating lasting peace.
Joining in the concert of that effort and reflecting on the post-genocide Rwandan
situation, I would like, in this essay, to investigate in which ways memory,
justice and reconciliation can work not as diametrically opposite but rather
as complementary moral responses to human evil.
Is remembering incompatible with a genuine search for justice and reconciliation?
How does truth-telling contribute to both justice and reconciliation? Does justice
exclude the act of forgiveness or does it serve as its precondition? What does
it take to have genuine remorse and forgiveness? Are punishment and reparation
genuine expressions of justice? Are they incompatible with forgiveness? Do they
have to be discarded for the sake of peace or are they ways for the perpetrator
to regain his dignity and participation in the society?
After highlighting the tension between the above concepts and examining conflicting
ethical arguments in the Rwandan context, I will elucidate how they can still
relate and help overcome the difficulty to take both seriously, the offender
as a responsible moral agent and the victim as an object of moral rights. Further,
after a critical examination of theological arguments often put forth in response
to the aforementioned questions, I will suggest a normative approach that advocates
a proper articulation of memory, justice and reconciliation and serves as a
plausibly reasonable response to the Rwandan context.
by Guillaume Rutembesa, Kigali, Rwanda
My name is GUILLAUME RUTEMBESA. I am 36 years old. I was born in southern Butare
in RWANDA. I am married and a father of two children. I am also a Tutsi
genocide survivor. All my four sisters, my three brothers as well as my father
mother were killed in April 1994.
My presentation will focus on the GACACA TRIBUNALS and the post- genocide justice
in general. Ten years after , no one of the buriers of my family has been judged.
Any victim all over the country got the compensation. Mine while, thousands
prisoners who pleaded guilty has been released Justice is the first preoccupation
of the Tutsi genocide survivors.
The principal mission of GACACA jurisdictions is not to punish the genociders
but to reconciliate them to the Tutsi genocide survivors. That is not easy because
the magistrate of these tribunals are those who participated in the genocide
and there is no conditions excluding them . All the Tutsi genocide survivors
were hidden in bushes. They don't know what happened. Those who know it have
THE EFFECT OF BEARING WITNESS ON THE WITNESS
A Holocaust Study
Anne Grenn Saldinger, Ph.D., Executive Director
Bay Area Holocaust Oral History Project
1700 Alameda de las Pulgas
San Mateo, California 94403
(650)570-6382; (650)570-7183 fax
In the midst of the significant historical and ethical imperatives to record
the oral histories of Holocaust survivors, the vicissitudes of the personal
experience for the survivors themselves have been largely overlooked. By examining
the subjective experience of the survivors telling their stories and their personal
response afterward, we can begin to understand more about how trauma may be
integrated and transformed.
I will present my findings from a qualitative study which investigated the psychological
significance of bearing witness and the impact of this experience on aging Holocaust
survivors. Holocaust survivors who participated in an oral history project were
re-interviewed 3-7 years later about their ongoing process of bearing witness.
The giving of testimony for aging Holocaust survivors extends beyond the task
of reporting history or engaging in a life review. Using the narratives of survivors,
I will discuss how the reparative potential of oral history relies on the reciprocity
involved in the process. Testimony is unique in its junction of the private
and the public, the internal and the external. These varied levels contribute
to the potential of testimony to be transformative. In breaking their silence,
survivors can begin to counteract old internal and external messages. Telling
one's life story can be a vehicle for development of the self and for making
meaning out of one's traumatic experience.
Asking survivors about the meaning of bearing witness proved to be not only
way to learn about the effects of genocide and living with trauma, but also
served as an intervention in and of itself. The interview constitutes a public
acknowledgment of their legacy. By calling attention to the process of speaking
about unspeakable experiences, we can help to make visible and to weave together
the threads linking past experience with daily lives. This model may also be
used to study the experience of other refugees of genocide from around the world.
The War Diplomacy of Great Britain and the Genocide of Armenians in the Ottoman
Empire, 1915-1916 by Dr. Tigran N. Sarukhanyan
The proposed presentation aims to analyse in deep the question of facilitation
if not complicity of British War Diplomacy in the implementation of the Armenian
Genocide. Based on historical accounts, two alternative plans of naval expeditions
against Turkey are considered, first of which, campaign against the Dardanelles,
provided the administration of the Young Turks with free hands in realisation
of their long before designed plan, the extermination of the Armenian race.
The campaign against the Dardanelles had an unprecedented result in history
of England; the English "undefeated" fleet was defeated. According
to the second alternative plan of a demonstration against Turkey, was outlined
a landing at the Bay of Alexandria. This was consonant with the ideas and designs
of many of the Armenian public and political leaders. As a matter of fact, if
it were fulfilled, it could have had a decisive, if not a preventive meaning
in stopping the Genocide. However, top strata of British political leadership
preferred the plan of L. George-W. Churchill, declining the second one, the
plan of the head of the War Office H. Kitchener's designs on landing at the
Bay of Alexandria. Moreover, during the whole period of World War I, the war
diplomacy of Great Britain didn't even support Armenians in establishing their
voluntary troops, but also interfered with it. This has been proved by newly
discovered English archival documents, one more establishing the fact, that
never in history, the Armenian national aspirations have nothing to do with
all those political self-interests pursued by Great Britain. They were always
contrary to each other, which facilitated the realisation of the tragedy of
Armenians during World War I-the Genocide of Armenians. We deeply believe the
same policy of Great Britain became one of the determinants in the Jewish Holocaust,
in World War II.
Dr. Tigran N. Sarukhanyan
Armenian National Academy of Sciences, Institute of History
Address: 23/1 Rubinyants Str., Apt. 26,
Yerevan 375035, Armenia
Tel: (+3741) 240-048
Dead or Alived : Bearing witness and Other tactics of power
by Vicki Scannell, Pierce College, Washington 1-360-754-1767
Violence begins with words and, unchecked with death, whether it's called murder,
suicide, genocide. In the ongoing genocide of women and indigenous people, the
tactics of the perpetrators including isolating, demeaning/degrading, silencing,
and blaming the targets, while at the same time denying their own coercive violence.
Tactics of bystanders to violence include denial of the violence and blaming
the victim. Symptoms of these targeted by violence include post-traumatic stress,
physical injuries, and loss of connections with others and self, ultimately
death. Rejection of violence and even death also begins with words, the words
spoken to us by all those before or after us, the words we speak to ourselves,
and the words we come to speak to others. The power of reclaiming, restoring
and reiterating mindful well-being can be shown by many examples. This paper
focuses on just several in three situations : women and children in relatation
to men in their homes, black South Africans to white European occupation, and
Haudenausaunees in relation to white European occupation.
How my Family Survived the 1994 Rwanda Genocide
Learning from a Live Account of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide Events. By Tharcisse
Abstract: Tharcisse Seminega is a Tutsi who was a senior lecturer in Food Biotechnology
at the National University of Rwanda when genocide broke up. He and his family
could survive because Hutu friends of his from Jehovah's Witnesses organization
risked their lives to save them. He was hidden for 75 days in various places
along with his wife and his five children in challenging situations.
His paper entitled: "How my Family Survived the 1994 Rwanda Genocide-
Learning from a Live Account of Genocide Events" relates how his family
and the Tutsi families at large were persecuted and targeted as enemies and
accomplices as soon as the Tutsi rebel army launched its attack from Uganda
in October 1990. Propaganda was set up to ridicule them comparing them to disgusting
or cruel animals and insects such cockroaches, serpents, long-tailed animals
that kill and disembowel their victims. This was intended to create powerful
mental features in the minds of the Hutu.
The Tutsi were also depicted as those who were going to bring back servitude
and chores that had been abolished by the 1959 Hutu revolution.
In this line the paper also shows that this persecution can be traced back in
1959 when the first attempt of genocide was made to remove the Tutsi from the
many-century political power. His experience as a youth back then emphasizes
the role played by the political and social cleavage between the two major ethnic
groups, the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority.
The history of Rwanda is, in fact, an accumulation of ethnics-based social
and political frustrations. The author recalls the time when his father was
put in prison because he belonged to a political party (UNAR) that supported
traditional monarchy and independence. Back then he and his family were attacked
by enraged militia of the Parmehutu Party who wanted to do away with them. Ironically,
a Hutu warned them of the impending danger and helped them to escape. Why did
some Hutu behave differently from others to the point of risking and sacrificing
their lives to save the Tutsi? Why did so many Hutu anonymously participate
in mass killing and genocide?
The paper indicates that the colonial power played a negative role in aggravating
the ethnic cleavage that changed into a permanent antagonism between the Hutu
and the Tutsi and eventually led to hatred and genocide. This trend was a result
of political manipulation that convinced the mass of the Hutu population that
the Tutsi were a real threat to their thirty-four year hegemony and their liberation
from the so-called feudal system. According to the Hutu ideology that was echoed
in their songs and political talks, killing the innocent and defenseless Tutsi
living in Rwanda was the only and effective way to prevent the Tutsi rebels
from increasing their influence inside the country, thus annihilating their
breakthrough to the political power.
Was this enough to convince people to kill up to 800,000 people in 100 days?
Are there any other reasons? The paper invites all Rwandans and all mankind
to reflect on the issue in order to find out mistakes, recognize them, correct
them, set new guidelines and build the future. Justice, forgiveness, discernment
and determination are keywords in this lifelong process.
International Creditors and Post Genocide Rwanda.
When Financial Orthodoxy prevails over Human Solidarity
Dr Anastase SHYAKA
Center for Conflict Management (CCM)
National University of Rwanda (NUR)
email: firstname.lastname@example.org. fax: 00250-530121
Since the beginning of genocide in 1994, Rwanda is characterized by the will
to survive and the sentimental scar of abandonment and even betrayal by the
International Community. There is opinion, supported by concrete evidences,
that this betrayal was not only limited to the period of the killings: by omission
or commission, it also continued after the genocide.
The socio-political thinking of Rwandans places these International Financial
Organization among the "accused". This line of thinking is due to
the fact that the national dynamics of reconstruction and rehabilitation seems
to be accompanied by a lack of an active international solidarity. The "
Small-scall Marshall Plan " for Rwanda that was suggested some time back
was never tried. Contrary, some discourses suggest that "genocide is being
used by the New Rwanda for economic profits".
The purpose of this study is to throw some light to this debate, on the basis
of quantifiable evidences over the period 1994-2003. Through analytical and
comparative approach, the author compares the data on national debt service,
particularly on the interests paid, and the national budget lines allocated
annually to social sectors, like Education, Health, Community Development and
Funds allocated to support Genocide Survivors (Fonds d'Assistance aux Rescapés
du Génocide- FARG).
The outcome of this analysis is better: in the face of the international financial
orthodoxy, the universal humanity, strongly advocated by the North, looses meaning
when referring to Rwanda.
International Red Cross: a mission to nowhere
National Centre for Hellenic Studies and Research
Latrobe University, Bundoora Victoria, Australia
Email addresses email@example.com
In 1922 the Entente - Great Britain, France and Italy and the United States
received information from American relief workers that the Kemalists were deporting
large numbers of Christian minorities (Greek Pontians and Armenians) from the
coastal regions of the Black Sea into the Anatolian interior. Many innocent
people perished along the way from starvation and disease. The European powers,
in particular, wanted to maintain their policy of strict neutrality in the Greek-Turkish
Lord Curzon, the British Foreign Secretary 1919-24, suggested to his counterparts
in Paris, Rome and Washington that allied officers be dispatched to investigate
these claims. The French tried to delay the setting up and sending of an inter-allied
mission to Asia Minor. Such delaying tactics worked to the advantage of the
In order to maintain allied unity, Britain was able to win the support of the
other powers, whereby the International Red Cross (IRC) as an impartial international
organisation was to be approached to conduct the investigation of the reported
atrocities in Anatolia. The IRC wanted the Entente and US governments' to provide
it with funds so that it could discharge its duties.
This article will address two issues: - firstly that the Entente and the US
used the IRC as a convenient front in order to avoid responsibility towards
protecting the Christian minorities from Turkish reprisals. It should be further
stated that the Europeans and the Americans were interested in winning economic
concession from the Kemalists; and that the deportation of Christians was an
act of genocide committed by the Kemalists regime in order to solve permanently
the minority problem.
The Repercussions of War-Time Sexual Violence of the Japanese Military in China:
the Case of Shanxi Province
Yuki Terazawa, Hofstra University
Since ex-sex slaves of the Japanese imperial army during World War II came
forward in the early 1990s, various groups and individuals in Asia and around
the world has keenly watched how the redress of these women evolved. While women
from South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan began to provide testimonies of
their ordeals and bring court cases against the Japanese government immediately
after Hak-soon Kim of South Korea initially came forward in August, 1991, the
investigation of sexual slavery in mainland China began later. It was only around
1996 that activists and scholars working on the issue of war-time sexual violence
by the Japanese army began serious research and publicize the Chinese women's
experiences beyond towns and villages where the women reside.
In my paper, I discuss the cases of sexual violence that occurred in Shanxi
province, on which a group of Japanese scholars and activists have conducted
meticulous research. Not only do I analyze the nature of sexual violence and
slavery inflicted on local Chinese women by the Japanese military, but I also
focus on how these women have been treated by people around them, including
their children and relatives, after the end of the World War II. For example,
one of the women who was considered a collaborator of the Japanese because she
'served' a Japanese military officer as a sex slave, having abducted and detained,
committed suicide in 1968: she was unable to bear the humiliation inflicted
upon her. Looking at the case of this woman as well as others, I examine the
process in which the perception of these women as a disgrace to Chinese people
changed to the victim of Japanese aggression and the courageous fighter who
seeks justice though the lawsuit against the Japanese government. Furthermore,
I discuss how the women's own feelings about their sufferings changed in the
course of their coming forward and pursuing the court case.
In sum, by focusing on the Shanxi cases of war-time rape, I aim to examine social
and personal repercussions of war-time sexual violence in a tight-knitted community
in rural China. I also analyze how changes in the political climate of the PRC
and Japan as well as an undercurrent of Chinese nationalism have shaped the
course of the redress movement of the ex-sex slaves in Shanxi. My first-hand
observation and interaction with the women in August, 2004, supplements and
reinforces my analyses of court documents, research papers, and news articles.
(Please note that I need to use a slide projector and overhead slide projector
for my presentation.)
Assistant Professor in Asian History
Department of History 118-17 Union Turnpike, #4J,
104C Heger Hall Forest Hills, NY 11375
Hofstra University Yuki.Terazawa@hofsra.edu
Hempstead, NY 11549 718-263-2536, 516-463-4749
LIFE OF WOMEN AFTER RAPE IN RWANDA IN 1994.
by Odette UMWALI
The legacy of genocide and war in Rwanda lives on ten years after the events
in which as many as one million lost their lives.
Between April and July 1994, Rwanda was the site of a horrifying litany of
human rights abuses - mass killings of unarmed civilians, rape and numerous
other acts of torture. Bringing to justice those responsible has been an
enormous challenge; even so, progress has been slow. For those raped or
tortured, or whose family members were killed, justice and redress remain
Some of us estimates that between 250,000 and 500,000 rapes were committed
during the genocide. Degradation was integral to the physical violence, with
some women being made to parade naked or perform various humiliating acts at
the bidding of soldiers and militia. Compounding the trauma of being victims
and witnesses of horrendous brutality, many women raped during 1994 now suffer
the reality of living with sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS
with little hope of
legal recourse, medical care or compensation.
"CASE STUDY " more dicussion
(I lost my husband during the war, but the killers said they would just rape
me and leave me alive
I lost consciousness after he was killed, even during
the rape, and awoke next to his body
. I won't participate in gacaca
(village tribunals) because of the trauma it will cause me to testify, and
anyway I don't know who my rapists or killers of my husband were. I have
seven children, but only two go to school because we are poor. I have AIDS
now and worry who will take care of them once I die.)
EDUCATING FOR A CIVIL SOCIETY AFTER COLLECTING VIOLENCE" CASE STUDY IN
How do educators confront the past and promote reconciliation in an effort
to prevent future conflict? What are the opportunities and challenges facing
educators in the aftermath of collective violence? What roles do schools, curricula
and pedagogy play in the creation of civil societies.
Roundtable Panel Title: Summer 2004 Fulbright Seminar in Rwanda on "culture,
ethnicity, national reconciliation and development in post-genocide Rwanda."
Panel chaired by Ernest Uwazie, CSUS.
Panelists of this roundtable were all in Rwanda this summer of 2004 as Fulbright
Fellows. They met government officials, academics, civil society organizations
and traveled all over the country talking to people and visiting genocide memorials.
They will discuss the challenges that post-genocide Rwanda faces in finding
solutions for justice, national unity and reconciliation.
Panelists: Ernest Uwazie, CSUS (panel chair)
Jessie Gaston, CSUS
Eddah Mutua Kombo, CSUS
Patrick Cannon, CSUS
Lynne Cooper, CSUS
Crystal Oslon, CSUS
Ellen Yamshon, CSUS
Jane Harrington, Sacramento County Office of Education
Nancy Sheley, CSU-Long Beach
Sherri Patton, Sacramento City College
Remesha Krinamurthy, University of the Pacific, Stockton
Anisha Desai, San Francisco University High school
Elizabeth Steele, Elk Grove Unified School District
Pam Bodnar, Chico Unified school district
COMICS IN THE CONTEXT OF NATIONAL UNITY AND RECONCILIATION
IN POST-GENOCIDE RWANDA by Ellen Yamshon, CSUS
In Rwanda there is a national directive to behold the genocide, move beyond
it and reconcile. It is a mandate to get along and a precondition to enduring
peace, without which there can be no economic development or social progress.
To this end, the parliament enacted the Law of Gacaca. Gacaca is a sweeping
program designed to develop a public memoir of the genocide in the service of
expediting justice and fostering national unity and reconciliation. Every Rwandese
citizen is duty bound to participate. Although understandable, avoidance is
not an option.
Implementation of Gacaca is proving to be arduous and slow because many are
unable to comprehend the process and fear public testimony. These exigencies
require a concerted effort to educate the citizenry about, and to encourage
voluntary participation in, Gacaca.
Education is essential to reconciliation. Rwanda has made enormous strides
in addressing the problems of widespread illiteracy, but challenges remain.
The illiteracy rate is still around 40%.
Significantly, the Rwandan constitution recognizes one national language, Kinyrwanda,
the mother tongue and three official languages, Kinyarwanda, French and English.
Communication breaks down because many, if not most, speak only one language.
Fluency in all three languages is rare. Fiscal deficits dictate a scarcity of
printing resources; the need for 3 versions of official documents exacerbates
For these reasons, imagery may be a very fast, effective way to communicate
and educate in Rwanda. Educational comics are a logical choice of media. Comics
should be considered for school curriculum and to communicate important messages
to the population in written media such as newspapers and billboards, particularly
on the subject of genocide.
Comics are an amalgam of imagery and written words, the purpose of which is
to tell a story. Comics may be best described as graphic narratives because
the stories are conveyed in their entirety or primarily through pictures. The
value of comics is that they are readily understandable by the masses; on average
comics take less brainpower to decipher than prose.
Historically, comics have been dismissed as frivolous, "mindless pap"
but educators are beginning to appreciate their pedagogical value. The very
justification for denigrating the genre, that they are amusing and simplistic,
may be the reason for their current appeal. Visual information presented in
story form can be easily absorbed. Reading comics doesn't feel like work.
Comics are particularly well suited to deal with the evils of the genocide.
They can convey highly charged emotions in a non-threatening manner. Narration
through comics de-personalizes the realities yet admits discussion of very deep
matters. Comics do not have to be funny but those that are have palliative powers.
Humor operates through incongruity and irony. To find something humorous is
to find something incongruent about it. It is the incongruity that sets off
the laughter. Negative emotions are re-directed and lighthearted disengagement
results, if only for a moment.
Comics have their limitations. Comics may not be the right venue for communicating
complex ideas or sophisticated analysis. Moreover, the simplistic form of comics
could be perceived as trivialization. In the context of the genocide, comics
could run afoul of the constitution, which expressly prohibits trivialization
of the genocide. Although promising free speech, the constitution actually limits
it in the context of the genocide.
Remote causes of war and genocide
by Rachel Zaninka, Universite Libre de Kigali
I am a Rwandan senior student in social sciences at Kigali Free University.
I am working on my thesis on causes of war and genocide which occurred in Rwanda
in 1994 from a socio-psychological approach.
I looked on topics to be discussed at the conference and I found them highly
inspiring and relevant to my thesis. I think this conference will be of invaluable
contribution to my thesis. On the other hand, I hope to meet with others whose
ideas and experience will enrich my own experience as a Rwandese who went through
a horrible war experience. Furthermore my contribution would notably topics
_Linguistic and metaphorical aspects of political speech that generate violence.
_Similarities and differences between war, genocide, terrorism and so on.
Through these topics, I would give my own experience of what kind of language
(speech) that fueled war and genocide in Rwanda and what are the perception
and consequences of war and then of genocide that took place in Rwanda.
I plan also to discuss some images that show incitement to violence by politicians.
I finally hope that my interaction with other participants will be an enrichment
to myself and to others.
THE PLAY : Healing The Wounds of History
Director, Armand Volkas, MFT, RDT/BCT
Friday, October 15, 2004
7 :30 p.m.
There is hardly a person living who has not been directly or indirectly touched
by conflict and the hand of historical trauma. How do nations and cultures emotionally
and spiritually integrate a legacy of perpetration or victimization? How do
we prevent the rage, guilt and shame of one generation from haunting a people
for generations to come? We carry history in our bodies and our souls and we
all have a need to feel positively connected to the tribe to which we belong.
Historical trauma needs to be re-told and experienced in a personal way in order
to be truly understood and integrated. The expressive arts provide a bridge
between personal and collective experience and help people master complex feelings,
heal deep wounds and put ghosts of history to rest.
We invite people from different generations, nationalities and cultures to
gather together to acknowledge, reflect upon and transform the historical traumas
that have impacted and haunted their lives into constructive action.
1 1/2 hour Performance
Listening to the Stories
of Your "Enemy"
A Playback Theatre Performance
Members of polarized cultures share their struggle for healing, integration
and peace. Personal and collective stories are transformed into improvised theatre
pieces, on the spot, using ritual, music, spoken improvisation and other interactive
Germans, Jews, Japanese, Chinese, Palestinians, Israelis and other cultures
in conflict will share personal stories related to their historical legacies.
Using the Playback Theatre form, Members of The Living Arts Playback Theatre
Ensemble will transform these stories into improvised theatre pieces incorporating
music, movement, ritual and spoken improvisation.
Armand Volkas, MFT, RDT/BCT, is an actor, director, psychotherapist and drama
therapist. He is Associate Professor and Core Faculty at California Institute
of Integral Studies and Adjunct professor at John F. Kennedy University and
has worked as a drama therapist with a variety of themes and with diverse populations
since 1975. Volkas has developed innovative programs using drama and other creative
arts for social change. As founder and director of The Acts of Reconciliation
Project he has used drama therapy and the expressive arts in conflict resolution,
reconciliation and intercultural communication with such groups as Germans and
Jews, Palestinians and Israelis and Japanese, Chinese and Koreans. Armand Volkas
heads The Living Arts Theatre Lab, based in Oakland, and directs The Living
Arts Playback Theatre Ensemble. He is a Board Certified Trainer in Drama Therapy
and works internationally.
The Living Arts Playback Theatre Ensemble was created in 1986 by Armand Volkas.
This troupe has established itself as an innovative Playback Theatre company
and has received national attention for its work in intercultural conflict resolution.
Playback Theatre is an original form of improvisational theatre in which audience
members tell stories from their lives, and watch them enacted on the spot by
a trained company of actors and musicians. At a Playback performance, a "Teller"
is invited from the audience to tell a story; the Teller then chooses actors
to play roles in the story, which is then "played back" improvisationally,
incorporating music, movement, ritual, and spoken improvisation. Sometimes a
story becomes myth, sometimes a realistic enactment; some stories are tragic,
others are funny or illuminating. Playback Theatre affirms the importance and
dignity of personal experience, enables people to view their lives in new ways,
and draws people closer as they see their common humanity.
The Living Arts Playback Theatre Ensemble is a non-profit organization that
produces performances, workshops and events for personal, professional and organizational
growth. Created in 1986 under the direction of psychotherapist and drama therapist
Armand Volkas, The Living Arts Playback Theatre Ensemble has established itself
as an innovative local and national resource for transformation. Through its
Acts of Reconciliation Project, the organization has received international
acclaim for its work bringing together Germans and Jews, Palestinians and Israelis,
African-Americans and European-Americans as well as other groups in conflict.
At the heart of its work is a profound respect for the power of personal story
to build bridges between people and cultures. The Living Arts Playback Theatre
Ensemble is a member of the International Playback Theatre Network and performs
for corporations, schools, hospitals, community celebrations, conferences and
for the general public.
Armand Volkas, MFT, RDT/BCT
Center for the Living Arts
4000 Broadway, Suite 4
Oakland, CA 94611
Telephone: (510) 655-5186
Genocide from an Anthropological Perspective: Toward a New Paradigm
Catherine Weinberger-Thomas, Professor, Institut National des Langues et Civilisations
Orientales, Paris, Visiting professor at UCSB, Department of Religious Studies
In recent years, studies dealing with extreme forms of collective violence---
mainly the wartime massacres and genocides of the twentieth century-- have proliferated
into a major area of research in the social sciences, in Europe as well as in
the United States. The current trend in genocide studies at the moment is toward
comparing the great genocidal fault-lines of our times to one another, and to
placing them on the same footing as the great military disasters of the twentieth
century, especially the First World War. By drawing up a tableau of eruptions
of atrocities in modern history, this new line of study seeks to provide a general
theory of human violence that is based on more solid ground than previous attempts
in that direction. Yet for all the new insights and perspectives that have been
generated by these endeavours, one may well ask whether they have helped to
bring us closer to the crux of the matter with regard to genocidal practices--
namely : can man still reclaim the " human-ness " that supposedly
defines the species in situations in which the use of unprecedented forms of
violence seems to cut him off from the human race while hurling him into what
Wolfgang Sofsky has called " a social state of nature "?
When they attempt to deal with this difficult issue, Genocide and Holocaust
Studies continues to fall back on the " relapse into barbarity " paradigm
that presupposes an eruption of man's primal animality once the veneer of civilization
has been chipped away for one reason or another. In the light of the remarkable
findings of ethology and primatology, on the one hand, and paleoanthropology
and neurobiology on the other, such an assumption appears to be without foundation.
Not only do we learn from the cross-pollination between these budding disciplines
that the great divide between animality and humanity has proven to be a fuzzy
one, but also that extreme violence might very well be that which defines us
as human, fully as much as self-consciousness or articulate language.
Another paradigm that plays the role of metanarrative in the field of Genocide
Studies is the assumption that such mass atrocities as genocide are a distinctive
trait of our Modernity. In the current debate on the subject, there has been
a marked lack of attention to the ritual use of extreme violence in ancient
and indigeneous societies--well documented across the globe by both historians
and anthropologists--as a comparative standpoint from which to place in perspective
modern genocidal practices.
My presentation will be an attempt to incorporate the findings of the hard and
cognitive sciences, on the one hand, and case-studies of ritual violence found
in history and anthropology, on the other, within the framework of a discussion
on the subject of genocide.
Professor Catherine Weinberger-Thomas has authored many articles and books
such as : Cendres d'immortalité. La crémation des veuves en Inde
(Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996) English translation Ashes of Immortality: Widow-Burning
in India forthcoming, University of Chicago Press; .L'Inde et l'Imaginaire (India
in Western Imagination) [editor and contributor of two articles], Purushartha
11 (Paris: Editions de l'EHESS, 1988); .L'ashram de l'amour. Le gandhisme et
l'imaginaire (The Ashram of Love: Gandhism in Indian Imagination)(Paris: Editions
de la Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, 1979); La Suaire. Récits d'une
autre Inde (The Shroud. Tales of Another India, a translation of selected short
stories by Munshi Premchand, with an introduction, notes and glossary)(Paris:
Publications Orientalistes de France, 1975); Morphologie de la Kahni chez
Premcand (Structure of the Short Story in the Writings of Premchand)(Paris:
Publications Orientalistes de France, 1974).
She has taught and lectured at many universities in India, Europe and the United
States and has been a recipient of many academic honors such as Alexandra-David
Neel Prize for Best Book on an Asian Subject (for Cendres d'immortalité),
Bistrot des Ethnologues Second Prize for Ethnographic Work (for Cendres d'immortalité),
2877 Exeter Place
Santa Barbara CA 931
Towards a theory of genocide : A philosophical assessment
Henry R. Huttenbach, The City College of New York, firstname.lastname@example.org
Editor Journal of Genocide Research.
Goes genocide have a meaning? If so what is it? Is the meaning inherent or
determined by external factors? Does each genocide contain its own individual
meaning? If not or if so what do they have in common in meaning?
To date, genocide studies have not generated a systematic approach to a theory
of the phenomenon of genocide; perhaps it is premature. Much of these efforts
are bogged down in a, so-far, very fragmented search of satisfaction(s) which
has hindered a philosophical approach, namely promoting a line of investigation
towards unraveling the core meaning (if any) of genocide as a legitimate path
to action? What does it mean that institutions (including religion), governments
and states engage in genocidal behavior? Does knowing its meaning help in averting
genocide? If there is a meaning associated with genocide, what lessons (if any)
does it convey and who is responsible for translating these lessons-educational,
political, etc.-into policy?
It is, of course possible that genocide embodies no meaning. If so, what does
that essence of meaning mean?
Henry R. Huttenbach is Professor of European History at the City College of
New York since 1966. He is Founder/Editor of the Journal of Genocide Research
since 1999. He is Founder/Editor of The Genocide Forum since 1994. He has published
numerous articles and books on Genocide in a dozen languages.
He has been guest lecturer at numerous universities in the US, Germany, England,
Sweden, Israel, etc.
He was awarded an Honorary Doctorate by Uppsala University, Sweden, 26 January
2003, for over three decades of continuous pioneering contributions to furthering
Henry R. Huttenbach
Editor in Chief
Journal of Genocide Research
The City College of New York
Convent Ave. at 138th Street
New york, NY 10031
The 1994-Rwandan Genocide- in whole in Comparative Perspective by Christian
It is one of the surprises that so-far a comparison of the four genocides-in-whole
of the 20th century according to the framework, key elements and aftermath has
never been attempted at by any scholar. My comparison of the four total genocides
is an attempt to cover the involved issues in their entirety, employing twenty-two
analytical categories. The attempt is to cover all core issues, the contexts
and circumstances of the genocides-in-whole. The result shows a high degree
of commonalities and similarities, with one of the four genocides differing
on a few accounts.
The crucial role played by European colonialism in the generation of alleged
'ethnic' or tribal conflicts is often deliberately suppressed. Before the arrival
of the first Europeans in Central Africa about 1885, Rwanda and Burundi were
two kingdoms among many others whose societies had developed national links
transcending more narrow clan-based affinities. As a result of colonial intervention,
there was an ever growing ethnicization and de-nationalization.
The drawing of ethnic boundaries served the purposes of indirect rule. German
colonialists and Catholic missionaries fabricated 'Hamitic thesis' about alien
Tutsi rule. This German race theory of the 19 century (Arthur Graf Gobineau)
became a crucial ideological and justificatory factor in Rwanda during the colonially
engineered Hutu rebellion in 1959-62 and the very base for the exterminatory
ideology of total genocide in Rwanda 1994. The colonialists (Germans followed
by Belgians) actively pursued a policy of ethnicization from above and of preference
for the Tutsi group as the allegedly natural 'masters'. From 1959, this began
to have an extremely destructive effect on post-colonial development in Central
Africa. Racist colonial policies and the manipulation of collective identities
as a means for the respective ruling élites to hold on to power were
inextricably linked. Politically manipulated dichotomization and ethnic segregation
became a source of violent internal social conflicts. Europe's race theory was
at the core of an exterminatory ideology of the Nazis in Germany 1933-45 and
again become increasingly more virulent in Rwanda since independence in 1962.
Total Genocide in Rwanda 1994
As the Holocaust the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 was a publicly advertised and
well-prepared attempt to obliterate a minority. As in Turkey in the 1920s, Europe
during WW2 and Cambodia 1975-79 the whole state apparatus was mobilized for
the purposes of exterminating the targeted group(s). While the preparation period
for Rwanda's total genocide was the longest of all four total genocide (35 years),
its execution was the shortest; one million was killed within three months,
with public and private media (notably RTLM radio station) calling upon 'loyal
citizens' to do their 'duty' and dispatch their neighbours. The Catholic Church
and other churches failed disgracefully and, as institutions; though many catholic
functionaries participated (since only two were sentenced--in Belgium) the church
kept stubborn silence. (All of this doesn't apply to the Muslims). Donor countries
were accomplices to genocide. Rwanda 1994 became the first genocide financed
by European tax payers' money.
As in Nazi Germany, the media prepared the ground for the 'final solution',
esp. the radio stations. The citizens were incited to hate the Tutsi and their
accomplices. From 6 April 1994 they were ordered to kill their fellow citizen.
The unique element was mass participation in genocidal atrocities involving
huge numbers of the male Hutu population. The genocide has to be analysed as
a crime of obedience. Extermination was facilitated by a totalitarian administrative
system. For the first time in the history of humankind, a population played
a direct, active, and massive part in a state-decreed genocide. Almost the entire
minority of Tutsi who had remained in the country-including old people, women,
children, and even babies-fell victim. Several thousand Hutu (the political
opposition to MRND-CDR dictatorship) were also killed.
As other genocides the one in Rwanda 1994 was a colossal crime of subordination
and submission to the murderous command of a state. - Only half the population
remained in the country; the other half either fled or was murdered. The exodus
proceeded by commune and produced the greatest and most ambivalent refugee-crisis
of modern times. The genocide was exported to the Central African region and
caused havoc in the Congo.
France as Conspirator and Accomplice-United Nations and USA as Bystanders
The source of Central Africa's recent turmoil was Rwanda. 'Politics of genocide'
have been a planned, conscious strategy applied from 1990 onwards. The power
elite around the dictator's wife (Akazu) superimposed its pathological plan
to murder all Tutsi and the political opposition among the Hutu - in order not
to implement power sharing agreed in Arusha 1993. Despite earlier warnings,
the United Nations remained disunited, paralysed, and inactive. The weeks and
months of inactivity by the UN-in the face of the horrific organized massacre
of Tutsi civilians by militia forces, the police and the army-are an incomprehensible
scandal, which has five years later been fully admitted in the Carlsson et al
report of Dec 1999. The July 2000 OAU report on the Rwandan genocide (Masire
et al.) went a step beyond and asked for reparation by those states who were
in complicity with the Hutu power regime (such as France, Belgium, Switzerland,
and others) or those who have blocked any response by UNAMIR and the UN system
(such as the United States). Sensational details about the conspiracy of France
to genocide were recently made public (Saint-Exupéry: L'inavouable. 2004).
The Long Wait for Justice and the Failure of the UN Criminal Tribunal
The new High Commissioner for Human Rights reacted speedily, dispatching the
first-ever UN Human Rights Field Operation to Rwanda in fall 1994. The challenges
for human rights work in Central Africa were too great; its multi-task mandate
allowed biased interpretation; the core task of genocide investigation was neglected.
Investigation of the genocide and prosecution of the perpetrators had since
been very slow getting off the ground. The ICTR has been an outright failure
(15 cases in 9 years with a budget of US$ 900 million) while Rwanda's courts
have since 1997 dealt with over 8,000 cases (with a third of the UN tribunal's
funds), more than Germany did in a period of almost 60 years. The Central African
country is about to embark on an unprecedented journey called gachacha-to set
up Nuremberg trials on its thousand hills.
Christian P. Scherrer, Professor of Peace Studies at Hiroshima Peace Institute
(HPI), Hiroshima City University, Japan. Dr. phil, Senior Researcher on contemporary
mass violence, was in 1987 among the founders of ECOR; he is the editor of ECOR
studies series and the author of conflict and post-conflict analyses an studies.
He carried out research in some of the world's mostly deadly areas, conducted
comparative genocide research and developed peace strategies for several countries
and conflicts in Africa. He is an eyewitness to genocide and worked for UN HCHR
in Rwanda in 1994-5; contributor of expertise to UN and international organizations
such as UNESCO, UNDP, OECD-DAC, CPN of European Commission, ICRC, as well as
to NGOs. His series Ethnicity and State In Conflict was the first to deal with
ethno-nationalism in a global perspective. _His recent books Structural Prevention
of Ethnic Violence (Palgrave, 2002), Ethnicity, Nationalism and Violence (Ashgate,
2003) and Genocide and Crisis (Praeger, 2001) deal with mass violence and remedies
such as justice and prevention.
Correspondance and contact : Christian P. Scherrer at HPI, Hiroshima Peace
Institute, Mitsui Bldg. 12f, 2-7-10, Ote-Machi, Naka-ku, Hiroshima, 730-0051
Japan; phone +81-544-7570, fax +81-82-544-7573, e-mail : email@example.com;
FRAGMENTED PERSONALITY CHARACTERISTICS OF PERPETRATORS
John M. Steiner, Emeritus Professor and Senior Researcher, Sonoma State Universitt,
The purpose of my remarks is to outline some of the major reasons which shed
light on the process of escalation into mass destruction. The origins and development
of crimes against humanity, state and organized group terrorism and genocide
such as the holocaust are used as frames of reference to illuminate this process.
It stands to reason that what is better understood can also be prevented, however
understanding and action are two different steps. Special attention will be
given to the nature of perpetrators.
Claims by powerholders that complex socio-political, economic and existential
problems in living can be solved by a simplicistic, absolutistic ideology and/or
naked power have invariably led into catastrophies. They can be exemplified
in the practices of Nazi ideologues and eugenicists, ideologically legitimized
legislature without fairness, justice or humanity, which have made euthanasia,
the formation of killing
squads, extermination camps such as Auschwitz-Birkenau, and a host of other
ghastly places a reality. In more recent times, atrocities and genocide of a
similar kind as took place in Maoist China, Stalin's Soviet Union, Cambodia,
Rwanda, the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, the conflict between Israel
and the Palestinians, Sudan, and many other places have continued without any
noticeable insight. "Never again" has become an empty slogan, the
human condition has not changed and humanity has learned virtually nothing.
One reason for this fact is that although we are able to relate our experience
to others, we are unable to transmit it.
Finally, let us pose the question: are ideologically indoctrinated polital
soldiers warriors or murderers? The answer is that the latter is more likely
the case, as history has shown us.
John M. Steiner, a Holocaust camp survivor, is Emeritus Professor of Sociology
and Senior Scholar-in-residence at Sonoma State University. He received his
PH.D. magna cum laude in 1968 from the University of Freiburg in Germany. He
is an authority on concentration camps, slave labor and SS. He was the first
scholar to confront former senior members of SS and Wehmacht. He has published
many books, articles and book chapters on the Nazi regime. Profossor Steiner
is a recipient of many civilian, academic and military awards such as the Distinguished
Cross for Service and Valor.
The Genocide Conference Planning Committee :
Alexandre Kimenyi, Professor Ethnic Studies, Linguistics and African Languages
Boatamo Mosupyoe, Director Pan-African Studies
Annette L Reed, Director Native American Studies
Anne Thomas, Department Secretary
Ethnic Studies Department Staff&Faculty :
Gregory Yee Mark, Professor and Chair
Anne Thomas, Department Secretary
Brian Baker, Assistant Professor of Ethnic Studies
David Covin, Professor of Government&Director of Cooper-Woodson Enhancement
Julie Figueroa, Assistant Professor of Ethnic Studies
Timothy Fong, Associate Professor of Ethnic Studies and Director of Asian-American
Rick Green, Assistant Professor of Government and Ethnic Studies
Shitaro Hayashigatani, Emeritus Professor of Ethnic Studies and Japanese
Alexandre Kimenyi, Professor of Ethnic Studies, Linguistics and African Languages
Frank Lapena, Emeritus Professor of Art and Ethnic Studies
David L. Léon, Professor of Ethnic Studies and Director, Serna Center
Nicole Lim, Assistant Professor of Ethnic Studies
Wayne Maeda, Senior Lecturer of Ethnic Studies
Boatamo Mosupyoe, Assistant Professor of Ethnic Studies&Director of Pan-African
Sam Rios, Professor of Anthropology and Ethnic Studies&Director of Chicano
Eric Vega, Senior Lecturer of Ethnic Studies
Rita Cameron Wedding, Professor of Ethnic Studies and Women Studies&Chair
Women Studies Department.